The Chinese healing art of acupuncture

The Chinese healing art of acupuncture is one that can be dated back at least two thousand years. Some authorities maintain that acupuncture has been practiced in China for even four thousand years. Though its exact age is vague, what is certain is that up until the recent twentieth century, much of the population of the world was uninformed about acupuncture, its origins, and its capacity to promote and maintain good health.

Even today in relatively “advanced” nations such as the United States there are many who hold acupuncture under the stereotype of a new or radical medicine, one which would almost always be a second choice after more familiar Western approaches to handling illness. Acupuncture (and its related Moxibustion) are practiced medical treatments that are over 5,000 years old. Very basically, Acupuncture is the insertion of very fine needles, (sometimes in conjunction with electrical stimulus), on the body’s surface, in order to influence physiological functioning of the body.

The first record of Acupuncture is found in the 4,700 year old Huang Di Nei Jing (Yellow Emperor’s Classic of Internal Medicine). This is said to be the oldest medical textbook in the world. It is said to have been written down from even earlier theories by Shen Nung, the father of Chinese Medicine. Shen Nung documented theories about circulation, pulse, and the heart over 4,000 years before European medicine had any concept about them. As the basis of Acupuncture, Shen Nung theorized that the body had an energy force running throughout it. This energy force is known as Qi (roughly pronounced Chee).

The Qi consists of all essential life activities which include the spiritual, emotional, mental and the physical aspects of life. A person’s health is influenced by the flow of Qi in the body, in combination with the universal forces of Yin and Yang Energy constantly flows up and down these pathways. When pathways become obstructed, deficient, excessive, or just unbalanced, Yin and Yang are said to be thrown out of balance. This causes illness. Acupuncture is said to restore the balance. Acupuncturists can use as many as nine types of Acupuncture needles, though only six are commonly used today.

These needles vary in length, width of shaft, and shape of head. Today, most needles are disposible. They are used once and disgarded in accordance with medical biohazard regulations and guidlines. There are a few different precise methods by which Acupuncturists insert needles. Points can be needled anywhere in the range of 15 degrees to 90 degrees relative to the skin surface, depending on the treatment called for. In most cases, a sensation, felt by the patient, is desired. This sensation, which is not pain, is called deqi (pronounced dah-chee).

The following techniques are some which may be used by an Acupuncturist immediately following insertion: Raising and Thrusting, Twirling or Rotation, Combination of Raising/Thrusting and Rotation, Plucking, Scraping (vibrations sent through the needle), and Trembling (another vibration technique). Once again, techniques are carefully chosen based on the ailment. Another popular treatment method is Moxibustion, which is the treatment of diseases by applying heat to Acupuncture points. Acupuncture and Moxibustion are considered complimentary forms of treatment, and are commonly used together.

Moxibustion is used for ailments such as bronchial asthma, bronchitis, certain types of paralysis, and arthritic disorders. Cupping is another type of treatment. This is a method of stimulating Acupuncture points by applying suction through a metal, wood or glass jar, in which a partial vacuum has been created. This technique produces blood congestion at the site, and therefore stimulates it. Cupping is used for low backache, sprains, soft tissue injuries, and helping relieve fluid from the lungs in chronic bronchitis.

1. By some unknown process, Acupuncture raises levels of triglycerides, specific hormones, prostaglandins, white blood counts, gamma globulins, opsonins, and overall anti-body levels. This is called the “Augmentation of Immunity” Theory. 2. The “Endorphin” Theory states that Acupuncture stimulates the secretions of endorphins in the body (specifically Enkaphalins). 3. The “Neurotransmitter” Theory states that certain neurotransmitter levels (such as Seratonin and Noradrenaline) are affected by Acupuncture. 4. “Circulatory” Theory: this states that Acupuncture has the effect of constricting or dilating blood vessels.

This may be caused by the body’s release of Vasodilaters (such as Histamine), in response to Acupuncture. 5. One of the most popular theories is the “Gate Control” Theory. According to this theory, the perception of pain is controlled by a part of the nervous system which regulates the impulse, which will later be interpreted as pain. This part of the nervous system is called the “Gate. ” If the gate is hit with too many impulses, it becomes overwhelmed, and it closes. This prevents some of the impulses from getting through. The first gates to close would be the ones that are the smallest.

The nerve fibers that carry the impulses of pain are rather small nerve fibers called “C” fibers. These are the gates that close during Acupuncture Acupuncture today enjoys what may be its greatest popularity to date. It is important to note that this popularity, however, is a fairly recent achievement of the medicine. In the early 20th century, China, as the rest of Asia, experienced a flood of Europeans and American influence. As early as the late 1890’s the European germ theories of Koch, List, and Pasteur were starting to arrive in China, marking the beginning of Western medicine in the Far East.

By 1912, acupuncture was in precipitous decline, barely able to counter this growth of biomedicine. At the same time, traditional Chinese medicine had gained a small hold in Europe and North America but was far from accepted, and by the beginning of the First World War, the art of acupuncture was close to cultural extinction in China. With this tidbit on the history of acupuncture, it is clear that this medicinal art is indeed one of the oldest and most complex that exists, based on ideas and theories formulated over hundreds of years.

Acupuncture has come a long way since its origins and has won an uphill battle against time, misunderstanding, and criticism to gain the great popularity that it enjoys today. Despite its successes, however, there are still many legislative and public opinion battles to be fought in terms of its acceptance and utilization as a modern medicine. It is hoped that within the next several years, acupuncture will break through the remaining political barriers and that the world will see practitioners of traditional Chinese medicine as primary care providers with licensing in all states, much the way chiropractors are today.

The Chinese Economy, Culture & Society

The social values and history have shaped and formed the economical developments and the current environment of business in the People’s Republic of China. They have determined the patterns for negotiation and the Chinese perceptions of business, and their feelings towards westerners. The implicit and explicit rules that the Chinese society has on the development of businesses, and the economy in general, are very important issues for any person going into China to understand and consider. In order to achieve a successful partnership between Chinese and Western cultures it is essential to have a basic understanding of history and cultural developments that have shaped the current environment of business. The three pillars of China are economy, culture, and society.

Economy

The Chinese economy has been formed as a result of centuries of history and development, which reflect the philosophy of China and its current economical position. China started as a mainly agricultural based society with the subsistence group; the family. For more than 2000 years the Chinese economy operated under a type of feudal system; land was concentrated in the hands of a relatively small group of landowners whose income depended on rents from their peasant tenants. Agricultural taxes levied by the imperial government and crop yields subject to drought and floods kept agriculture relatively underdeveloped and organized in small units with the use of primitive methods for basic subsistence.

The conclusion of the Opium War of 1840 formally initiated a period of Western penetration of China from the coastal treaty ports. Railroads and highways were constructed, and some industrial development began. Such activity had little impact, however, on the overall Chinese economy. In effect, China was carved up into a number of competing colonial spheres of influence. Japan, which tried to attach China to its East Asia prosperity Sphere, was able to create only isolated nodes of a modern economy.

The Chinese Communist party emerged in the 1920s in the midst of a mounting economic crisis caused by foreign intervention and increased landlord influence in the countryside. For more than two decades, it expanded its control over large rural areas by introducing an agrarian program based on the control of rent and usury, and by giving power to peasant associations. On October 1, 1949, the Communist party successfully established a unified national government and economy on the mainland for the first time since the end of the imperial period in 1912. From 1949 to 1952 the emphasis was on halting inflation and ending food shortages and unemployment.

The new government initiated a land reform program that redistributed land to 300 million poor peasants into cooperative farms. In 1958 the rural people’s communes were established, and these dominated agriculture in China until the early 1980s. The commune was based on the collective ownership of all land and major tools by its members, who produced mainly to meet state planning targets and who were rewarded according to the work they performed, although basic necessities were guaranteed to all members.

In the urban-industrial sector, state ownership of property and of industrial and commercial enterprises was gradually extended. Industry grew steadily from heavy investment under the first five-year plan, and the state-owned sector achieved an overwhelming importance. The second five-year plan was introduced in 1958, trying to get China ahead into industrialization. This program was characterized by large investments in heavy industry and the establishment of small-scale versions of such industries as steel refining. The program, however, caused great disruptions in economic management and in rational economic growth, and in 1960 the program had to be abandoned.

The Chinese economy then entered a period of readjustment, but by 1965 production in many fields again approached the level of the late 1950s. The third five-year plan began in 1966, but both agricultural and industrial production were severely curtailed by the effects of the Cultural Revolution; a fourth five-year plan was introduced in 1971 as the economy began its recovery.

After eliminating the vestiges of the Cultural Revolution in 1976, China’s leaders decided to move at a faster pace on all economic fronts to make up for the loss suffered in the preceding ten years. A fifth five-year program began in 1976 but was interrupted in 1978, when the Four-Modernization program was launched. It included the modernization of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. A ten-year plan for 1976-85 stressed improvement in economic management and a larger role for private and collectively owned (as opposed to state-owned) enterprises.

This program was superseded by a more modest ten-year plan for 1981-90, but efforts to attract Western technology and investment continued, as did a program of incentives to increase agricultural production. Policies introduced in October 1984 called for further decentralization of economic planning and for increased reliance on market forces to determine the prices of consumer goods.

China has potential to be the biggest market of the world with 1.3 billion people. Furthermore, it posses billions of unexplored resources and the biggest and cheapest labor force in Asia. The size and underdevelopment make it a potential monster that has created interest in every investing and developing country in the world. The Chinese economy is an increasing economic possibility for anyone.

Culture & Society Chinese culture and society can be divided into two major periods, Imperial China and Communist China. The modern Chinese society can be defined as a combination of centuries of values and communist propaganda achievements. The imperial China had a strong class system where 90% of the people were poor and possessed limited resources to develop culturally, socially and personally. This situation led to the strength of the large family and the basis for the distinctive collectivism of China. The well being of the family and the state are the main goals for any action in society. If actions taken do not contribute to the family or the society as a whole, then the actions will not be regarded as proper. Eliminating almost any form of individualistic thinking.

The Chinese Family is the main economic unit of society. The development of the Chinese economy is based on the family. The Chinese family is the economic unit in which members produce and consume in common. Also, it is the religious unit responsible for the performing of rites required for the well being of the family. The social security of the Chinese family relies on the effective performance and interaction between religion and family.

These concepts strongly clash with western individualism collection of wealth for personal gain. A clear example of this is the overseas Chinese control family-run business empires that already dominate much of Asia. They invest billions in China, helping their ancestral homeland become the world’s fastest-growing economy. Together, China and its approximately 56 million offshore Chinese are the most important commercial and political forces for China and reflect, again the family based economic strategy that they follow.

In addition to the traditional imperial Chinese society, the Communist values shape and blend into modern Chinese philosophy. One of the early acts of the Chinese Communist party after it gained control in 1949 was to officially eliminate organized religion. Previously the dominant religions in China had been Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Most temples and schools of these four religions were converted to secular purposes. Only with the constitution of 1978 was official support again given for the allowance of formal religion in China. The constitution also stated that the Chinese population had the right to hold religious beliefs.

Moreover, China has a long and rich cultural tradition in which education has played a major role. Throughout the imperial period (221 BC-AD 1912), only the educated have held positions of social and political leadership. In 124 BC the first university was established for training prospective bureaucrats in Confucian learning and the Chinese classics. Historically, however, few Chinese have been able to take the time to learn the complex language and it’s associated literature. It is estimated that as late as 1949 only 20% of China’s population was literate. To the Chinese Communists, this illiteracy was a stumbling block for the promotion of their political programs. Therefore, the Communists combined political propaganda with educational development.

Chinese education has been strongly affected by the communism in China. Since education was for the rich and privileged during imperial age of China. One of the most ambitious programs of the Communist party has been the establishment of universal public education for their large population. In the first two years of the new government (1949-51) more than 60 million peasants enrolled in “winter schools,” or sessions, established to take advantage of the slack season for agricultural workers. Mao declared that a dominant goal of education was to reduce the sense of class distinction. This was to be accomplished by reducing the social gaps between manual and mental labor, between the city and countryside residents and between the worker in the factory and the peasant on the land.

After long periods of breaks and changes in policies colleges reopened in 1970-72. Admission was granted to many candidates because of their political leanings, party activities, and peer-group support. This method of selection ceased in 1977, as the Chinese launched their new campaign for the Four Modernizations. The governments stated goals for rapid modernization in agriculture, industry, defense, and science and technology required high levels of training. Such educational programs by necessity had to be based on theoretical and formal skills more than on political attitudes and the spirit of revolution.

After the revolution every thing changed in China. The stability of social values and structure where the highest achievement for the Chinese philosophy. These values where already deep in the Chinese culture; however, they were strengthened with communism and used into the development of China.

The Chinese society had become a combination of strong family and moral values and a country thriving for modernization and industrialization. This concept of stability as the highest achievement obstructed the development of China in the past, and still creates problems today. The sole concept of risks disturbs the grounds of Chinese culture in contrast to western society where risk is the main drive for development and investment.

Business Development in China

The radical change from imperialism and strong class differences to the equality philosophy implemented by Mao Tse Tung created the modern China. Its development from feudalism to communism created a conservative China, with very few attempts to move towards capitalism. It was through the imperial years that mercantilism and trade took place, yet it never flourished, as the capitalistic model westerners know, until China’s re-opening to the western world in the 70’s.

China has always had the elements for development. In fact, they could very well have had an industrial revolution before England. China possessed many key elements that transformed Europe into a modernized industrial economy (compass, printing, gunpowder, etc). Nevertheless, there is much more to China than just industrial and economical development. Thus, when considering developing a business in China one should always consider the cultural factors that makes the Chinese society so strong and differentiating it from western societies.

The fact that China wants to grow, does not mean that it will do it with the western models and philosophy, rather it will be with models developed from their own culture. This is the point that can be attributed to cause most of the problems between Chinese and Western cultures, and the point to be accepted in order to be successful in developing a successful business relationship in China.

Negotiating in China can be very frustrating. Differences in decision making styles and negotiating tactics cause misunderstanding and tension. Chinese culture is based on the importance of rituals and ceremonies and so is Chinese business. Business meetings are as important as the dealings during receptions. To exemplify the process of dealing with China in order to develop a productive relationship we will use the case of Kentucky Fried Chicken in China. This case includes the different problems and strategies used in the negotiation and development of business in China, specifically in setting up a foreign joint venture. However, the problems that arise and the current working environment of the Chinese economy cannot be understood without first understanding the history and the cultural revolutions that have shaped it. This brief outline of the history of China leads insight into some of the problems and the resolutions that a manager for KFC experienced during his venture with the Chinese.

Emperor Kang-hsi

Emperor Kang-hsi ruled China from 1661 to 1722 and his reign is captured by Jonathan D. Spences book Emperor of China. The different chapters of the book deal with certain aspects of the Emperors life. Aspects that the history books to normally deal with. The information in Spences book is based on Emperor Kang-hsis correspondence, his own writings. This writing maybe biased towards himself, but no other piece of information could provide insight into his mind. The book is divided into six parts; In motion, Ruling, Thinking, Growing Old, Sons, Valedictory.

The book ollows Emperor Kang-hsis life as Emperor in chronological order. In the first part, In Motion,” the main emphasis was on Emperor Kang-hsi travels though his kingdom. He wrote a letter to Ku Wen-hsing stating that he had traveled 1000s of miles in each direction. He had traveled to the provinces of Shansi and Shensi in the west, to the provinces of Manchuria and Ula in the east, north across the Gobi to the Kerulean River and south to the Yangtze River. On his travels, Emperor Kang-hsi, liked to collect and compare different plats, animals, birds that he came across.

He loved to hunt with bows and guns during his travels. Emperor Kang-hsi hunting practices were not just meant for joy and exercise, it was also an exercise in military preparedness. He took thousands of his troops on many of his trips to train them in shooting, camp life, and formation riding. The second part of the book emphasis on the historiographically part of the emperors rule. The authors’ facts were based on the thousands of imperial documents that came from the emperor. The author was able to piece together the kind to government that existed.

The central bureaucracy of emperor Kang-hsis China was composed of a metropolitan division and a provincial division. The metropolitan division was supervised by four to six Grand Secretaries and were directed by the presidents and vice-presidents of the Six Boards. The provinces were divided into six province blocks, controlled by s governor-general. Each province was divided into prefectures and each prefecture was subdivided into counties controlled by a magistrate. Ruling to Emperor Kang-hsi meant he had compete control for his economical and educational structure.

He also felt that he was responsible for the life and death of subjects. The third part of the book is Thinking, that deals with Emperor Kang-hsi perspective on his life and of his subjects. Emperor Kang-hsi believed in Neo- Confucianism and often refereed to it as the Confucian Classic. In different parts of the Emperors life he was interested in geometry, astronomy, cartography, medicine, and math. He took advantage in the free time a ruler has to expand his mind. The section Growing Old showed that Emperor Kang-hsi recognized that the human body was fallible.

He tried to prolong his life with an awareness into his diet, medicine and memory. He tried to obtain public sympathy with his openness towards his health, thus gaining the there trust and support in hard times. Kang-hsi recognized that admission to his physical weakness was the ultimate honestly but preventing physical weakness was the ultimate common sense. Practicing medicine under Emperor Kang-hsi was a highly specialized practice. He had large groups of men for diagnosis and treatment. In the end, Kang-hsi knew that death was enviable, but he tried to live forever hough his children.

Kang-hsi had fifty-six children in his life time, but only one was born to his first wife. This son was to be raised as the heir to the throne, he received the most care and love that the Emperor could give. From an early age, Kang-hsi eldest son knew he would inherit the throne. Many officials also knew that the son would inherit the throne and thus tried to gain favors with the son. Different officials also tried to jockey for position with the government. Emperor did not look kindly towards this. This political theme is the basis for the chapter named Sons.

Thirty years after Emperor Kang-hsi was helped into power by his uncle Songgotu, he had Sonnggotu executed. Shortly after Sonnggotu was killed, Emperor Kang-hsi had his sons killed also. In 1712 the garrison commander of Peking was put to death in fear of the commander gaining to much power. Emperor Kang-hsi was very protective of his sons. When he suspected that his son Yin-jeng has indulging in homosexual activities, Kang-hsi had three cooks and the serving boys put to death. He suspected that the cooks and servers were engaging in homosexual activities with his son.

In conclusion, the book achieves in its purpose, to give new insights into the Emperors life. Spences book goes into greater detail about Emperor Kang-hsi life then any history book could have. Spence is able to do this by emphasizing on Kang-hsis writings, and not on other sources. The book was divided into six sections that described different aspects of the Kang-hsi life and times. The most interesting chapter in my option was the chapter Sons. In this chapter Spence describes the Emperors protective nature towards his sons.

He went to great lengths to protect his sons and their heir to the kingdom. Spences summary of the data he collected was a little too short. Spence did not go into great detail over many facts. In addition, Spence did not address issues outside China that effected it. By this time in history, China had foreign intervention and influence. Yet Spence did not address the issue of foreign policies that Kang-hsi made during his reign. In the end Spence did achieve his goal of gaining new insights into Emperor Kang-hsi and wrote a good history of the Emperors life.

Confucianism And It’s Implications In Modern China

Confucianism is a time enduring philosophy that has stood up to invading clans, war, resentment, enforcement and infringement of new philosophies, and eventually, revival. For almost 80years, up until the late 1970’s, Confucianism and its ideas and values have been all but wiped away from China. Though effort was made to remove Confucianism for good from China by the Communist leader Mao Zedong in 1949, the ideas and values were so deeply embedded into peoples mind and the culture that even suppression could not keep it out of the culture and practices.

The main factor that has brought Confucianism back into the limelight in China and other East Asian countries is the recent development of economic growth and the possibilities behind why that has occurred. This is a topic that has brought about much dispute among scholars, that is, whether or not Confucianism has played any role in the progress of these countries, especially that of China. It is through the adaptation and re-institution of Confucian ideas and philosophies to that of the modern era that will develop China and create a better society, government, and economy allowing it to grow and prosper.

This is not an attempt to reinstate Confucianism as it once was, but rather the idea of Confucianism going through a modernization process in which one includes those parts that are helpful to society while removing those that are harmful to society. It is not the purpose of bringing back Confucianism as the main and only philosophy as it once was in Imperial China; but rather, the process of incorporating it with modern ideas and into modern context where it will be deemed beneficial to society. This is a relatively new concept that has been present for only about 20years or so.

Due to this, no definite theory has been developed to say whether this is plausible. When looking at the ideas of Confucianism, one must look at the values that he expresses that are essential to human beings in order to become gentleman. Some of these values are present in every society and in every country. Ideas like jen and the Golden Rule are indispensable to life in almost every society on the globe. In order to look at Confucianism and evaluate whether it has relevance in the modern era, one must look at the social, political/governmental, and economic aspects that it brings.

When doing this, however, one has to be open and willing to account that the ideas of Confucius are present even when they do not seem as though they may be implemented or those persons do not feel that they possess them in a Confucian sense. In addition, you must approach this with the intent to merge ideas together. It is no surprise that philosophies adapt and develop overtime; therefore, one must admit that all societies correlate in some way to each other and to refute that this is true is to refute that both societies are erroneous.

Society is the biggest aspect of life in which Confucianism has tremendous impact on. Not only does Confucianism layout the way one should be, act, and present himself towards and to others; these are the qualities that any civilization basis its self on. A researcher can tell much about a nation by its social well-being or lack of well-being. History can tell a lot about a nation and its society; this can also allow them to see what causes the society to be weak and what causes it to be strong. This can allow one to see whether a certain philosophy does well in the nation or how its following affects the nation.

Neglect of Confucius’ teachings is often associated with social chaos and sufferings in China’s history. ” In short, what this is saying is that China’s history has shown that Confucianism is the backbone of society and the state; when they are not followed the state is in chaos and when they are followed the state does well. The well-being of the state therefore depends on Confucianism and whether it is followed. This shows that Confucian teachings still have tremendous impact in China. Ideas like harmony, filial piety, and the Golden Mean all are big parts of China’s culture.

From the beginning of this century until 1977, Confucius had been criticized in mainland China and the Chinese people’s living standard had been under the bottom of the world. In contrast to China’s performance, Japan’s success in modernization has been mainly due to properly applying the Confucian principles. It is not due to the Chinese people that the ideas of Confucius have been strongly criticized; rather, it is a result of Communism. This is due to Mao Zedong’s influence when he took over in 1949 and implemented Communist ideas. While doing this, he attempted to get rid of the Confucian idea.

Mao’s reason, along with other Communist revolutionaries in China, for publicly attacking Confucianism was that it was felt as though the social and political ideas were considered authoritative and class-ridden. By bringing in Communism, it gave the Chinese people no room to improve unless the government allowed for it. Therefore, Communism causes the Chinese people to be class-ridden; the very thing they were trying to get rid of. When people look at China and see that it has not had much progress over the past century, it is evident that they do not look at the true reason behind this fact.

The secret of Japanese success is that it practiced the traditional Chinese principles: social positions are determined by merits and learning and the reason for China’s slow economic development until the economic reform is that it had destroyed this traditional Chinese practice. Confucianism is obviously not the reason for this backwardness; one can look at Japan and the other Asian nations that are backed by a Confucian culture to see evidence of this. Rather, Communism and Mao are holding back or have held back the Chinese.

In Communism, the government tells the people how much money they will make, what they will study, and where they will work. Communism does not promote learning and knowledge unless it is what the government sees fit. Confucianism, on the other hand, promotes learning and knowledge. In fact, one of the main values or ideas in Confucianism is the idea of knowledge and learning. A key reason for the high performance of East Asian students in science, mathematics and classical music is the Confucianist drive for educational excellence.

It is true that Confucius did not promote the idea of learning the sciences specifically; what we should take from this is the idea of learning and striving to learn rather than what we should learn. Any nation who’s culture promotes learning like a Confucian nation does is bound to grow and excel; maybe not now, but undoubtedly in the future. In light of education, Korea also has used the strong Confucian value of education, if not to promote growth economically they do promote growth in education of the masses. In the main, however, traditional Confucian values have supported Korean growth.

The focus on education and self-cultivation within the Confucian tradition as a means for improving both individual and family position in society encouraged the expansion of mass education. Those who look at Confucianism being the reason that China is behind are not looking at the facts or they would obviously see that Confucianism is prevalent in the economic powerhouses of East Asia known as the Five dragons. These five dragons owe much of their success to the Confucian values such as “self-discipline, social harmony, strong families and a reverence for education.

Outside of China, Singapore decided to bring in Confucian thoughts and ideas beginning in the 1970’s. This was done in an attempt to strengthen and grow, both in economy and socially. Singapore Senior Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew stated, “The core of thoughts of Confucius can help build a harmonious and stable modern society. ” Confucianism was brought in through the Confucian Ethics campaign that began in 1992 to be implemented through courses in school; this was eventually changed to a “shared values” idea in order to obtain public support.

Even though Confucianism at first got some resistance in Singapore, it is still considered, by the government, the backbone to why Singapore has done well; both economically and politically. Minister of Education Goh Keng Swee stated: Confucianism in Singapore will not be merely for the classroom. It will be interpreted as a code of personal conduct for modern Singapore and promoted in the form of public debate and discussion over the media. Along with Singapore, the other East Asian nations have a strong embedded Confucian tradition though most of them have had these values longer.

Another key concept required for a strong society is that of harmony. What this means is that the people must be in harmony with each other and with the government. Confucianism’s definitive aspect involves the Golden Mean – applying moderation in human relations and avoiding prejudice. It is a recipe for social harmony as well as a cultural hallmark of a mature democracy. The idea of the Golden Mean is essentially that of the Golden Rule; that is: Due unto others as others due unto you. When a nation has harmony, then it is bound to grow. Thus, using the Golden Mean, a nation will have harmony and grow.

In addition, when promoting harmony, the nation also promotes the idea of filial piety. In filial piety, the key to this is the relationships between people: “emperor and minister, husband and wife, father and son, and among siblings and friends. ” These are key concepts behind all nations if they want to modernize; they must have harmony, filial piety, and the Golden Mean (Golden Rule). The result of these values is a family based or human relations oriented society. If a nation has all of these, then they will have a chance at obtaining a strong and followed government.

Out of a good and strong society, you are bound to get a good and strong government as long as it follows similar rules to that of the society and works for the people. China’s past has not had that privilege, at least not for the past half century or so. Beginning in 1949, Communism was the form of government used in China and as we all know, it prevents people from having a voice in the government. Confucius himself did not feel as though everybody should have a part of government, but he did feel that the government should do what was best for the people.

Confucianism gave the idea of the Mandate of Heaven. We should not take this literally as it was in Confucius’ time, but rather take it in perspective of our own time. …the people had the duty to obey and support the government as long as it provided good government. If not, the people had the right to rebel and replace the ruler with someone who had a new Mandate of Heaven. In a sense, America already has this, the process of impeachment. It is this way that China should look at this. The idea of rebelling is wrong, but making sure that the government is benevolent towards the people is excellent.

What the previous quote in essence is saying is that the people, if ethical and moral, will love the government; if it is not, then it will be despised. The Confucian idea is that its people will love a government that loves and takes care of its people. One that does not, will not. These values are still prevalent today, though they need to be expanded upon in China. China needs to expand on the ideas of human rights. Confucianism is not simply the advocacy of obedience to government but also the accountability of government.

If they really want to learn from Confucian humanism, they have to open up to more enlightened values, such as freedom of expression, the dignity of the individual and other human rights. If China does this, then the people will not be able to claim that they have no human rights and the Tiananmen Square incident of 1989 and others that could rise like it would not happen. In order to cause this to happen, the Chinese must have a good system for electing politicians. The Confucian system, being the examination test, is not the best way.

Nonetheless, it does present a good consideration: China should make sure that those running for politics know about the history of China’s politics and governmental procedures in order to govern well by implementing the examination system. However, this is not the examination system of Confucianism, but rather an examination system that would involve knowledge that all interested in politics should know about the nation. Then, they should bring in the idea of voting. In this, they would use the democratic form of voting. Den Xiaoping states:

On how Confucianism could reconcile with democracy, he said it gave an underlying moral framework to the one-man-one-vote system and the market. This would encourage the voter to calculate not only in his self-interest, but also that of his community. Using this philosophy, the people would have to choose from those who knew the background of their nation and whom they feel would benefit the community, not just their own desires. This would be beneficial to America as well; rather than voting for particular party candidates, vote for the person who will benefit the society the most.

Instead, most people feel that their particular party will benefit people the most and therefore vote for their party. Different forms of government have governed China over the course of its history. It has had imperial rulers, Communist, dictatorships, and socialism. Presently, China has socialism as its basis, but with the incorporation of Confucianism, it would “provide a much stronger foundation for Chinese and Vietnamese society in the next century than class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat. ” This might be a good idea especially since “Confucianism could add a humanism lacking in the old socialism.

Some feel that even the unification of democracy and Confucian values would be good for China; however, this would not work due to its culture. Democracy is, in a way, the same as Confucianism in the aspect of electing a leader by the fact that “The ruler is to provide the conditions for the people to live a happy life. It is not difficult to see that the genuine purpose of democratic voting is to elect such a Confucian leader. ” In any sense, Confucianism would unquestionably bring values and ethics that could be the bases of the entire political structure as well as social structure making for a strong, people oriented nation.

To go along with the idea of politics, what would ultimately develop is a strong economy. Many people claim that there is no relevance between a philosophy (or way of life) and economics. They dispute the lack of connection between a nations (or a persons in the sense of business) virtues and the economic progress that it makes or lacks. Confronted with the success of countries with economic policies as diverse as those of Taiwan and South Korea, some academics have looked to culture for an explanation and concluded that “Confucian ethics”, stressing the claims of the community over the individual, are the key.

This idea of the community over the individual is an idea that Confucius strongly promoted. In any economy, the way to grow and prosper is to put the community over that of the individual. However, people say that this idea is holding China back, or that it gives them a backwards movement. Max Weber was a strong advocate of this idea stating that, “…Confucianism was largely responsible for the economic backwardness of China. ” If the community is put over the individual in this sense, then there is no evidence that would lead towards backwardness; rather, all the evidence leads forward.

This leads to the idea of Confucian ethics. The Confucian ethics that apply here would include work ethic, knowledge or learning, and putting the well-being of others in front of that of oneself (this could also be taken as benevolence or jen). The work ethic that is expressed in Confucianism and desire for knowledge and learning are prevalent in some of China’s bordering nations, who largely, have a strong Confucian background. These countries have shown rapid economic growth and have Confucian values deeply submerged in their culture.

Along with these values, the idea of filial piety flows over into the economic portion. The way that filial piety coincides with economics is through business. In order to have a strong business, it must have the relationships between boss and employee and other relevant relationships. This allow for a strong business and strong atmosphere to work in. Thus, the family structure underlies the business, governmental, societal structures of the Chinese. When looking at Confucianism we must realize that in its original form, it is foolhardy to think that it can be applied in its original form as it was in Confucius’ day.

We must look at it with an open-mind in order to bring it in to light of modernization and the modern world in general. While looking at in the perspective of modern China, it is evident that these values are still present. In addition, when you take in to account Confucianism’s values and presence in every society, in every part of the world, it is impossible to think that Confucianism holds back or will hold back China or any other nation. …it is simple, flexible, and consistent with a reasonable interpretation of our own fundamental traditions.

In confused times like our own we would do well to consider it; even if it does no more immediately than add to our stock of ideals, we should remember that ideals are eventually decisive. It is through the adaptation and re-institution of these Confucian ideas and philosophies to that of the modern era that will develop China and create a better society, government, and economy allowing it to grow and prosper. It is only through this re-institution and interpretation that we will fully be able to appreciate Confucianism’s affects on a nation.

Ancient China Essay

One of the most important inventions of all time was the invention of gunpowder. Imagine their enemy’s surprise when the Chinese first demonstrated their newest invention in the eighth century AD. Chinese scientists discovered that an explosive mixture could be produced by combining sulfur, charcoal, and saltpeter (potassium nitrate). The military applications were clear. New weapons were rapidly developed, including rockets and others that were launched from a bamboo tube (Franklin Institute). The Chinese are known for their inventions that still are used in the modern day.

Those inventions are paper, gunpowder, books, and much more. Gunpowder was discovered in the tenth century by Chinese medicine men that were looking for the secret to immortality. They thought that gunpowder could be used as a medicine of some sort. The invention of gunpowder gave the Chinese a distinct advantage over their enemies, changing the nature of warfare (Ken Hsu, Willy Hsu, Micheal Lu). At first gunpowder was used to blast rocks apart and to make fireworks, later to be used as warfare. To medieval Chinese it was simply an aid to esthetic pleasure.

By the 10th century, gunpowder began to be used for military purposes in China in the form of rockets and explosive bombs fired from catapults. The first reference to cannon appears in 1126 when oil bamboo tubes were used to launch missiles at the enemy. Eventually bamboo tubes were replaced by metal tubes, and the oldest cannon in China dates from 1290. From China, the military use of gunpowder appears to have spread to Japan and Europe. It was used by the Mongols against the Hungarians in 1241 and was mentioned by Roger Bacon in 1248.

By the mid 14th century, early cannons are mentioned extensively both in Europe and in China. (Jack Kelly). In China as in Europe, the use of gunpowder to produce firearms and cannons was delayed by difficulties in creating metal tubes that would contain an explosion. This problem may have led to the false myth that the Chinese used their invention only for the manufacture of fireworks. In fact, gunpowder powered cannons and rockets were extensively used in the Mongol conquests of the 13th century and were a feature of East Asian warfare afterwards.

The short squat and thick city walls of Beijing for example, were specifically designed to withstand an artillery attack, and the Ming dynasty moved the capital from Nanjing to Beijing specifically because the hills around Nanjing were good locations for invaders to place artillery. (Jack Kelly). I believe Paper was the greatest invention of all Chinese inventions, even greater than gunpowder. Chinese legend tells that the new invention of paper was presented to the Emperor in the year 105 AD by Cai Lun (Franklin Institute).

In 105 AD, Han Emperor Ho-Ti’s chief eunuch T’sai Lun tried with a wide variety of materials and worked with the fiber of plants until each filament was completely separate. The individual fibers were mixed with water in a large vat. Next, a screen was submerged in the vat and lifted up through the water, catching the fibers on its surface. When dried, this thin layer of intertwined fiber became what today we call paper. T’sai Lun’s thin, yet flexible and strong paper with its fine, smooth surface was known as T’sai Ko-Shi, meaning: “Distinguished T’sai’s Paper” and he became revered as the saint of papermaking.

It wasn’t until the third century when the secret art of papermaking began to get out of China, first to Vietnam and then Tibet. Taught by Chinese papermakers, Tibetans began to make their own paper as a replacement for their traditional writing materials (Georgia Tech). It was introduced in Korea in the forth century and spread to Japan in sixth century. There, during the eighth century, the Empress Shotuka undertook a massive project consisting of printing a million prayers – Dharani – on individual sheets of paper, with each mounted in its own pagoda.

Papermaking spread slowly throughout Asia to Nepal and later to India. It made its true push westward in 751AD when the Tang Dynasty was at war with the Islamic world. The first recorded use of paper in Samarkand dates from a battle in Turkestan, where skilled Chinese artisans were taken prisoner and forced to make paper for their captors (Georgia Tech). They spirited them away to Samarkand, which soon became a great center for paper production. Gradually papermakers made their way further west through the Muslim world – to Baghdad, Damascus and Cairo.

Finally, when the Moors from North Africa invaded Spain and Portugal they brought the technology with them and so it was that papermaking entered Europe in the 12th century. Although there are many things that affect the quality of a paper, papermaking in essence is a simple process. Whether using recycled materials or fresh organic matter, the process starts by shredding the material into small strips and soaking them overnight to loosen the fibers. Next, the fibers are boiled for 2-6 hours, being turned every so often.

When finished, the fibers are washed with fresh water to remove impurities and then small particles or specks are removed by hand. The fibers are beaten in a blender or by hand to a creamy pulp. At this stage, dyes can be added to create colored papers. The pulp is poured into a large tub and the fibers are suspended in the water. The artisan dips a framed screen into the water and with great skill, lifts it to the surface catching the fibers onto the screen. The screens can be left in the sun to dry, or be transferred to boards, pressed, smoothed and then dried.

It wasn’t until the invention of paper that information could be recorded and passed on cheaply and in greater quantity (Paper Trading International). Over the many years of experimenting it has paid off for the Chinese. I researched two great masterpieces from it. But there were many more inventions, like the compass, medicine, printing, embroidery and silk. When trying to find the secret to immortality they made gunpowder with a bang! When getting bored trying to make something to send messages on they made the great paper. Both of these inventions are still used this very day, maybe it will be used for a lot more in years to come.

Interrogations of Chinese Immigrants at Angel Island

Chinese immigration, after being shut down for many years by governmental legislation and an anti- Chinese climate resumed quickly after 1906. The major earthquake and fire that occurred in San Francisco lent the Chinese immigrants a window of opportunity to regain entrance to America. Immigrants could now claim, without proof, that they were indeed the son or daughter of a citizen or a partner in a legitimate business. These paper sons and paper merchants increased the number of Chinese immigrants by an unbelievable rate.

It was this supposed population explosion that would lead the United States to nvestigate all incoming Chinese immigrants. Being wary of the impossibility of so many legitimate children of U. S. citizens of Chinese descent, the department of immigration and naturalization sought out to verify that these people were indeed the true sons and daughters or the actual businessmen that they claimed to be.

Therefore it was against this historical background and unde! these particular auspices that the interrogations at Angel Island were carried out from 1910 to 1940. These interrogations were by no means fair, nor were they based on any other legal or practical precedent. While unreasonable detentions were already the norm, the act of interrogating immigrants to the extent that the Chinese were interrogated was unheard of in history. These interrogations were intricate and detailed, and designed to ensnare unwitting Chinese immigrants seeking entrance into the United States.

The interrogations not only presented a hurdle for incoming immigrants by prolonging their detention at Angel Island and increasing the bureaucracy required to process Chinese immigrants, but would deeply scar the Chinese landing in the United States. Moreover, the traumatic experiences at Angel Island coupled with other practices following the detentions such as raids of Chinatown during the Red Scare of the 1950’s led to a persistent fear of deportation by landed C! hinese.

The interrogations were more than just simple interview questions about one’s village or parents, rather they were, taken as a whole, another method to exclude the Chinese from America. The entire interrogation was loosely structured but by no means were they were regular or fair. After being held at Angel Island on a writ of habeas corpus, Chinese immigrants were interrogated by a Board of Special Inquiry which was composed of two inspectors, one of which was the Chairman of the Board, a stenographer, and finally an interpreter.

This board was not held to technical rules of procedure or evidence as used in other federal courts but rather was allowed to use any means it deemed fit under the exclusion acts and immigration laws to ascertain the applicant’s legitimacy to enter the United States (Lai 20). Nevertheless the lines of questioning were generally the same for all immigrants. The questions usually started with personal information then proceeded onto family information, village information, and then inally information on the home.

Within these groupings there were multiple side questions concerning details of the family or village. Immigrants were aske! d extremely detailed and far ranging questions within these side questions. They were asked questions similar to the questions Jow Yick faced in 1909 in case #1424, “Is she (your mother) a small footed woman? ” or “Is any body of water near or within sight of your house? ” Other questions concerning the village became increasingly detailed. In the case of Ung Shee, case #16778/2-12, the husband had to testify on the entire village and all the particulars of the inhabitants of each home.

In one instance the inspector asked the husband of Ung Shee whether or not the woman in the third house and fourth row of the village had bound feet. In Ung Shee’s case, detailed questioning about every family in every house was continued up until the seventh row of the village. Her husband also endured questions such as, “Do you cross a stream going to the market? ” and “How large is the bridge over that stream? ” as well as other questions such as, “Did your brother have a picture of yourself in ! his house? ” (Box 1211 National Archives).

This however, was not far from the norm for most immigrants. To give a general idea of the structure of the interrogation, an inspector gave a brief description of the line of questioning he took: We started by getting the data on the applicant himself: his name, age, any other names, and physical description. Then we would ask him to describe his family: his father – his boyhood name, marriage name, and any other names he might have had, his age and so forth. Then we would go down the line: how many brothers and sisters described in detail – names, age, sex, and so forth.

Then we would have to go into the older generations: paternal grandparents; then ow many uncles and aunts and they had to be described. Then the village: the district, how many houses it was composed of, how arranged, how many houses in each row, which way the village faced, what was the head and tail of the village. Then the next door neighbors. Then describe the house: how many rooms and describe them What markets they went to. Find out about the father’s trip: when he came home, how long was he home, did he go to any special places, and describe the trip from his village to Hong Kong (Lai 112).

Therefore it is clear that there was a semi-rigid structure to the line of questioning that the inspectors took. However, within the interrogation structure, inspectors were free to deviate and ask about anything that they felt might elucidate the true status of the immigrant. In the end, applicants were usually asked around two to three hundred questions, but in some cases were asked upwards of a thousand (Chen 107). After interrogating the witness, the board usually sought out other witnesses. These extra witnesses were usually composed of family members or business partners.

Often times white witnesses would be brought in to testify for the Chinese immigrant in question. Usually the questions reserved for these white witnesses ere notably shorter than the questions asked of Chinese spouses or relatives. After taking the statements of relatives and acquaintances, interrogators brought the immigrant back in and began to examine and further question slight contradictions in statements between family members and the immigrant.

“It is suggested that the examining officer closely follow the examination already conducted, clearly developing any variations which may appear . . ” (Letter from immigrant inspector to Commissioner of Immigration). The time it took to take the testimonies of all parties involved usually ranged from three to four days. The ength of the interrogation was exacerbate! d if the family members were located in some eastern city such as Chicago or New York. In these cases it was necessary to correspond back and forth and have family members or other available witnesses provide testimony to the Immigration Service offices in those cities and transmit the files back to San Francisco (Clauss 65-66).

The collective testimony was anywhere from twenty to eighty pages depending on the case but usually averaged forty or fifty pages of typed testimony (Chen 107). By this time if a decision by the board could still not be reached the case would be suspended for ten days, n which more data would be gathered. In this period, letters from acquaintances might be gathered from members of the community who knew the family of the immigrant. These acquaintances would testify to the fact that, indeed the family was expecting a member to arrive on a certain day on a certain ship.

However, more importantly, these letters often spoke of the family’s good standing in the community. These letters usually written by white businessmen, were written in the hopes that the board would be convinced of the status of the immigrant and allow that person to land. The underlying tone of the message owever, was one of recommendation. The white man was vouching for the Chinese family in these letters, stating his personal knowledge about the family.

In the case of Ung Shee, a letter was sent stating that her husband was, “. . . ober, industrious, and reliable.! . . ” (letter written by W. B. Cooper). Another letter written on behalf of Ung Shee’s husband stated, “In behalf of Mr. How, I beg to state that I have known him for a number of years and believe him to be a straight forward, honest, Christian Chinaman, and is doing well in his business in this city” (letter written by M. J. Allen). It was not sufficient for the Chinese family to state that in fact they were expecting relatives to arrive in America. The board required a more trustworthy source – which meant a white man.

These letters usually extolled the virtues of the Chinese citizen such as honesty and many times Christianity which were held in high regard by a white America and especially a white Special Board of Inquiry. After all the supplemental information, including the “letters of recommendation,” was received and reviewed a decision was made. If the decision was admittance, the detainee was allowed to land at once. However, if the decision was deportation, the detai! nee had five days to protest this decision.

His or her case would be retried and he or she would be reinterrogated. These appellates however, had to stay on Angel Island while awaiting for their appeal hearing. It was here that some would stay in upwards of two years, waiting to hear from the board (Dorgon 1A). The appeals were usually successful as the percentage of total applicants deported on the basis of the testimony alone was anywhere from four to five percent (Chow interview). Therefore there was recourse or those not initially granted entrance into America.

What is most striking about this however, is that the final decision of allowing Chinese into the country was based not so much on the word of the Chinese family as it was on a “trustworthy” white man. The immigration and naturalization service clearly knew that many Chinese immigrants were using false claims to gain entrance into the United States. Inspectors were already aware of the fact that many of the Chinese entrants after 1906 were fraudulent. “. . . many Chinese began to return to this country and they claimed to be coming back as natives.

As a matter of fact, it would have been humanly impossible for most of them to be citizens because there were not many Chinese women over here” (Lai 112). Takaki also points out that if every claim to natural born citizenship was valid during this period then every Chinese woman living in San Francisco would have to have had eight hundred children (236). Therefore American interrogators were not oblivious to the impossibility of the entire situation. This would serve as the basis for much of their work. A second reason why the Chinese were interrogated was due to the fact that the new mmigrants were all alleging that they were ac! ually citizens or potential citizens, rather than aliens.

Therefore the immigration station had to test the validity of these claims of citizenship status (Lai 111). The intent of the Board of Special Inquiry at Angel Island was to deport or exclude as many prospective Chinese immigrants as possible. Under the aegis of seeking out the truth and separating the legitimate immigrants from the spurious claims, the immigration service sought to exclude the Chinese. This is obvious from the type of questions asked and the circumventing of traditional rules of procedure.

The type of questions were often based on previous knowledge concerning the village. After these inspectors had worked thousands of cases, they had gained a clear knowledge of what some of the major villages looked like. With this knowledge of the village layout, they asked questions that were purposefully wrong to entrap immigrants (Chow interview). The attention to detail as well as the dubious lines of questioning were merely used as cause for exclusion. A secondary reason motivating the immigration service at Angel Island was performance.

As Paul Chow, an Angel Island activis! , points out, the immigration service was a punitive department. The more people they proved guilty of false papers then the more efficient that they seemed (Chow interview). Chinese immigrants being landed would only draw criticism from the public. Therefore they would prefer as many Chinese deported as possible because this would enhance their image as being thorough and completely dedicated gate keepers. The job then provided ample personal motivation to the interrogators to be especially adamant against the entrance of Chinese.

This is clearly evidenced by the interrogation process, in which the underlying intent as to not find the truth but to exclude as many Chinese as possible. The dockets for alleged sons of natives or business partners were always the fullest. This showed the immigration service’s knowledge about the false papers and also attests to their vigilance in interrogating them. The testimony required and the number of supporting documents and corroborating witnesses were much greater than those of students or natives of Hawaii.

Students from China were almost unanimously allowed in with very little questioning. Alleging that one was a student was much more difficult than osing as a son or partner in a business. This is probably the reason why students were expedited through the entire process at Angel Island. The purported sons of citizens or partners in business were examined with particul….. ar scrutiny. These interrogations were particularly strenuous and the questioning extremely detailed.

Examples abound of tricky questioning such as this line of questioning from docket #19431/1-2 (Box 1211 National Archives): Q. What is his occupation? A. I do not know. Q. Did he tell you what his occupation was? A. I did not ask him and he did not tell me. Q. Did he tell you he was a business partner of your husband? A. Yes; he said he was in business with my husband, and that when he departed he left the business with my husband. Q. Why a moment ago, did you state that you did not know what the native of the nature of the business was? (67). As demonstrated in this excerpt, interrogators asked questions even after one had said no, or stated that they did not know.

In this way they could catch contradictions when they finally answered the same question phrased in a different form. From here they could further question immigrants on why they did not answer he same question the first time. This type of questioning was extremely common for those claiming to be sons or daughters of U. S. citizens or partners in a business. In this sample we see again the motive of the interrogation: to trick Chinese immigrants into contradicting themselves and thereby give sufficient reason to have them deported.

The usual response to why immigrants had answered wrong was that they did not understand the interpreter the first time. Other interesting excuses were often given, usually stating that the person testifying was extremely nervous. On several occasions, letters were sent to the Board of Special Inquiry by people who had testified, trying to explain a blunder or a hesitation in their testimony as being caused by an accident on the way to Angel Island causing them to be nervous or a sickness in which they were extremely tense and could not think or concentrate on the questions.

The lapses in memory usually occurred because of the copious amounts of information many of these immigrants had to memorize from their coaching books. The validity of the excuses cannot be ascertained, but it was more than likely that many of the excuses and etters written to the Board of Special Inquiry attempted to concoct an illness or an accident in which to explain their failure during the testimony! . Certainly some of the claims such as misunderstanding the interpreter might have been genuine and there was a definite, palpable anxiety for immigrants before entering an interrogation.

However, many of these excuses were used when there were major contradictions dealing with obscure information during the interrogation. It seems unlikely that a sudden bout of illness or anxiety would lead an immigrant to emember every other minute detail about his or her life but forget one and then have the presence of mind to remember that question from the interrogation to write about it in a separate letter. Therefore, the letters and excuses were probably more often used to cover up mistakes made in the interrogation rather than to explain real events causing anxiety or memory loss.

There were usually only a few good reasons why an immigrant was not landed excluding health and mental reasons. Many were excluded the first time but were allowed in after appealing the decision. Reasons for eportation usually consisted of major discrepancies in the testimony of the immigrant and that of the family. As one inspector stated, “. . . I remember a case of a boy whose father was bringing him in. He said his mother was so-and-so, but his father said his mother was so-and-so. He wasn’t landed” (Lai 110).

A good example is the case of Woo Yuen Fong, docket #19480/5-9. His testimony was incomplete concerning his brother’s family and some key village information. He did not know the date of his brother’s marriage or what his brother’s wife’s name was. He also answered certain questions and when followed ater with the same question framed in a different form (as seen above) he answered, “I don’t know. ” Therefore A. B. Morgan, the Chairman of the Board of Special Inquiry! , stated, “The demeanor of this applicant while giving testimony has been very unsatisfactory.

He has been evasive in his replies to questions, and has repeatedly stated that he does not remember, whereas, if his claim was bona fide, it is quite evident that he would know the facts upon which he has been called upon to testify” (Letter written by A. B. Morgan). Minor discrepancies were not enough to deport immigrants. The length of questioning and the detail ontained therein, however, was enough to almost cause a contradiction between the testimony of the intended entrant and the corroborating witness testimonies in every case.

Questions asked of relatives concerning the minutiae surrounding the family, village and house were bound to lead to inconsistencies with the testimony presented by the detainee. From this point the Board of Special Inquiry had to determine which contradictions were major or minor. This is a highly debatable and arbitrary subject. With an example such as knowing the names of your neighbors in the village, the board needed to determine hether or not this was a major fact or merely a minor fact.

We could argue that this was superfluous information but the board and the interrogators could argue that anybody who is familiar with their own village should know their neighbors. As A. B. Morgan stated, Woo Yuen Fong! should have known certain facts but which facts he should have known were highly arbitrary. What Morgan felt was important might not have been to Woo. Therefore deportation based on inconsistencies could be seen as an extremely subjective activity. Since almost all cases had discrepancies each case’s inconsistent testimony had to be weighed.

In the end it would be the subjective nature of the board in determining which contradictions were major and which were minor. This determination of major or minor would serve as a basis for which Chinese could be landed or deported. In a final estimation, it must be said that the Board of Special Inquiry made attempts to be fair and based their decisions on what they felt was a fair evaluation of the evidence. However, it must be noted that interrogators could never be completely fair as the intrinsic nature of an interrogation is subjective.

Investigators asked questions that they thought were relevant. The Chinese were at the mercy of these interrogators as they were the ones who determined what exact questions were asked. The variability in the questioning during an interrogation and the freedom allowed to the interrogators shows evidence of the completely subjective nature of the interrogation. Even though the judgments were often fair, the placing of Chinese immigrants through this entire process was by all accounts unfair. The process and treatment of Chinese immigrants at Angel Island was not endured by any other immigrant group.

Therefore even though decisions were usually made on a thorough and f! ir analysis of all the evidence, the process that the Chinese underwent was unparalleled. The percentage and number of Chinese that were excluded due to the interrogations was not truly notable. What is of note, however, is the entire debacle that the Chinese had to endure in trying to enter America. The interrogations openly flaunted sacred American principles such as fairness and equality – the Chinese at Angel Island were guilty until proven innocent.

Not only did the burden of proof fall on them, decisions concerning their deportation were made using interrogation tactics which were without precedent. The treatment of the Chinese was also in disparity with that of all other immigrant groups. The history of Chinese immigrants at Angel Island compared with that of immigrants at Ellis Island shows a stark contrast in conditions and treatment. The supposed “Ellis Island of the West,” Angel Island never copied Ellis Island in all regards as treatment of immigrants diverged greatly.

European immigrants at Ellis Island were never suspected of entering illegally. Most ! importantly they never underwent intensive interrogations like the Chinese did. Many of those at Ellis Island remember the confusion of being rushed through cursory medical, legal, and mental examinations while prospective Chinese immigrants at Angel Island waited patiently for their interrogation dates (Yung 64). Interrogations were never carried out for other immigrant groups in courts of law or in any other immigration station. There was simply no precedent for the type of treatment the Chinese withstood.

The significance of these interrogations lies not in the numbers that they turned away but in the scars that they left on the Chinese people. The difficult experience at Angel Island combined with the rigorous nterrogations imbued a constant fear of immigration officials. This fear led many Chinese to remain silent about their immigration experience. The difficulty of the interrogations and the treatment of Chinese at Angel Island was but one of the factors which made the Chinese live in persistent fear of deportation.

Other immigration tactics continued on after Angel Island was closed such as raids on private homes, restaurants, and other businesses during the 1950’s which left many Chinese with a violated sense of privacy and legitimacy as United States citizens (Hong 75). Since many Chinese did have something to hide, and many did enter illegally, and because of the intense level of deportation enforcement directed at them, many Chinese lived in fear and remained silent a! bout their experiences, trying not to incriminate themselves (Hong 75).

Therefore Angel Island’s legacy did not end once the immigrant was landed, but remained with them throughout their lives. The Chinese were constantly reminded through the immigration and naturalization service’s tactics even after 1940 and the closure of Angel Island immigration station that they truly did not belong here. The long lasting impact that the detention and interrogations had on Chinese immigrants is immeasurable, but it had a profound effect on the lives of Chinese immigrants as it led them to alter their lives as U. S. citizens in the hopes that they would not be subject to immigration official tactics or more importantly deportation.

The interrogations can be extrapolated out to the level of American governmental policy. After the exclusion acts, America had effectively cut off the Chinese population, but with the resurgence of immigration following 1906, America attempted to seal the cracks in the wall by establishing the nterrogations and the immigration station at Angel Island.

Looking at the interrogations from this perspective, it is clear that the institution of Angel Island was simply another effort in a concerted plan to exclude the Chinese from America. Even though an accurate measure cannot be made of how successful Angel Island detention center was at deporting paper sons and merchants, due to the uncertainty of who were legitimate sons and merchants and to the interrogators inability to discern the truth, the mere presence of such a detention center was a sign for the Chinese to “keep out. ” Effective or not, the interrogations ring an interesting and extremely diverse form of exclusion to Ame! ican immigration policy.

By examining the interrogation process and the interrogations, we gain insight into the soul of America’s Chinese policy between 1910 and 1940. America would finally end the interrogations when it needed the Chinese in World War II. It was this interim period, from 1910 to 1940, that would be the defining moment for many Chinese immigrants as they discovered first hand through the halls of the detention center at Angel Island and in the hearings of the Board of Special Inquiry, that America did not want them as much as they wanted America.

The Tibetan Independence Movement

The Independence of Tibet is one of the hottest topics in the world today, undoubtedly due in part to the massive media exposure and attention given to the Dalai Lama and his movement in America. Recent Movies such as Kundun, The Wind Horse, and the extremely popular Seven Years in Tibet have had an astounding impact on the arousal of international awareness of Tibets situation with China.

This impact and the establishment of the Tibetan Independence Movement as a major issue on the international platform has lead to the argument by supporters of Chinese rule of Tibet that interventionists have based their arguments on history according to Hollywood. Have these films swayed public opinion and perhaps even influenced Americas foreign policy regarding China? My answer would be yes. But to argue that it is the basis and the only knowledge of the relationship between Tibet and China is a vain attempt by the Chinese to portray the stance of most of the free world as the work of capitalist propaganda.

As an American, I find it insulting that Many of the Chinese-over-Tibet supporters look upon Americans as being so easily influenced by the media that we would use a Hollywood production as the basis for promotion of Tibetan Independence described by one Chinese advocate: Humanitarian Interventionists and Benevolent Global Hegemonists, most of whom lack even a rudimentary understanding of Chinas long and complex history, share a particularly nasty trait.

Many of these Globocops imagine because they have downloaded a few pages of seperatist propaganda from Tibet. org, and shed a tear or two while watching Seven Years in Tibet, that qualifies them as China experts. They believe this qualifies them to pass judgment about whether China deserves to remain intact or be forcibly Balkanized by the worlds only remaining superpower. Their attitude rivals that of the most contemptible 19th century imperialists(Chu, Tibetan Chinese are not American Indians).

Of course China has throughout history has viewed itself as the peak of civilization, but they have also suffered greatly due to their lack of awareness of the world around them. It is, with little doubt, that Chinas position on Tibet is largely affected by anti-American sentiments. I would argue, even further, that Tibet is viewed by China and America alike as one of the last fronts of the Cold War. These issues however distracted me in my readings from the heart of the matter.

The question to be answered is not whether Americans approve or disapprove of Chinas actions over Tibet, but rather is Chinas governance over Tibet legal? In 1949-1951, The Peoples Liberation Army of China took control of China, in the same decisive action they took it upon themselves to liberate Tibet. In fact what they were doing was colonizing Tibet under the guise of liberation from feudal serfdom. The Chinese support this action with the claim that Tibet has been under Chinese rule since the Mongol Yuan (1260-1368) and the Manchu Qing (1644-1911) dynasties.

The claim of the Tibetan Government in exile is that the nature of the relationship between China and Tibet during those periods was not one of subject-ruler relationship but rather Tibetan Lamas established a political-spiritual relationship, known as Cho-Yon, or priest-patron relationship, with the Mongol empire(Smith, Tibetan Nation: A history of Tibetan Nationalism and Sino-Tibetan Relations, p. 93). During this period, Tibet remained politically autonomous, and isolated from any foreign presence.

Relations did exist between China and Tibet, but they were more of a diplomatic than of a subjugative nature. While Tibet had developed a definite ethnic and cultural identity, China argues that Tibets national identity was always as a part of China, even going as far as to use such ridiculous arguments as In the 18th volume of The Encyclopedia Britannica for 1973 and 74, Websters Atlas published in the United States in 1978, and The International Atlas published in the 1960s, maps are marked with China in larger letters, and Tibet in smaller letters….

All these show that these publications recognize Tibet as part of China(www. tibet-china. org, excerpt from Chinas Tibet, China International Press). Tibetan nationalism always existed, according to The Dalai Lama and supporters who contend that when Tibet experienced modern imperialist pressures and Tibetan nationalism was aroused in response(Smith, preface p. xiii). Throughout history national Identities have grown out of imperial imposition of government, America, Ireland, Scotland, and even China via the oppression imposed on them following the Opium War.

Most of those nations rose as a result of a bloodbath, with rare exceptions such as India under Gandhi. Following in Gandhi’s footsteps is the Dalai Lama, who received a Nobel Peace Prize in 1989 (condemned as capitalist propaganda to favor a free Tibet by China). To sidetrack for a moment, the passive approach has proven throughout history to be a successful one (ex Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr. , Nelson Mandela, and Desmond Tutu). Why does it seem to be such a long ordeal for the Tibetans?

I think that Indias biggest advantage was the media coverage they received during their protest of British rule. In Contrast, China closed Tibets doors to the outside world until 1980, when China allowed tourism in putting Tibet in a time capsule for twenty years. With the dawn of the conversion of the Chinese economy to a capitalist system, It is my thought that the issue of Tibets independence will be resolved sometime in the near future.

As I stated earlier, I think that the primary tension between China and Tibet exists out of the communist Chinese perception that Capitalists, America in particular have a vested interest in the liberation of Tibet, rather than a general concern stemming from a human rights perspective. Tibet has a remarkably distinct national identity and a desire for independence clearly and unmistakably expressed not only before the Chinese conquest but since, and is therefore undeniably deserving of the right to national self-determination, a right now egregiously denied by the Chinese state(Smith, preface p. xiii).

Immigration of the Eastern Dragons

The latter half of the nineteenth century was an important period in Chinese American history. The story of their migration from their homeland to America to seek riches with their combined strength, knowledge and skills changed the face of Hawaii and the American West. Unfortunately, this dynamic period also saw the rise of racism and paranoia over Chinese competition for jobs. Chinese immigration to the United States in the mid-nineteenth century was only a part of a greater exodus from Southeastern China.

By this period in China, the Manchu dynasty was on the decline. Corruption and oppression were on the rise. The taxes of land rights increased causing grief and discontent among the population. While internally the lands of the eastern dragons were faced with problems, external forces also provided the same level of disturbance to the stability of this falling power. The first and second Opium war broke out which was caused by the reluctance to support opium trade by Chinese officials and the foreign powers desired to control trade ports in Guangzhou.

At this time, western European countries entered the industrial age and cheap labor was needed to develop their colonies as sources of raw materials. Thus, with economic problems in China and a great need for labor abroad, about two and a half million Chinese emigrated overseas. There are five major factors that contributed to a prosperous Chinese American society in comparison to the early Chinese immigrants.

The first major factor that brings about the eventual prosperous Chinese American society is the beginning of the anti-Chinese movement during the 1850s. Chinese labor was most prevalent in work requiring physical labor and skills, so the work could be completed in a short time. These were generally menial and unpleasant occupations such as gold miners, quicksilver miners, railroad workers, farmers, fishermen and factory workers.

However, the first racial discrimination against the Chinese occurred during the Gold Rush era in California, and California Governor Bigler advised the legislature suggesting measures must be adopted to check this tide of Asiatic immigration and prevent the exportation by them of the precious metals, which they dig up from our soil without charge (Chen 26). As a result of it, new laws were formed, such as the Scott Act, the Abortive Treaty of 1888 and the review of the 1850 Foreign Miners License Tax Law, mostly aimed at harassing and depriving the Chinese of their livelihood.

Nevertheless, according to Lai in his book, The Chinese of America 1785-1980, Chinese fought back to protect their people by forming groups or associations. For example, as early as the 1850s, a merchant group was established in San Francisco to deal with unlawful practices against Chinese merchants. Also, there were various occupational groups such as jewelers, cooks, barbers, lottery operators and other similar organizations to protect the economic interest of the membership (Lai 44).

In 1882, the Exclusion Act bill was passed which barred Chinese labors from immigrating for ten years. This law marked the end of a non-restrictive and free immigration policy by the United States Government, and numerous riots occurred throughout the West: the worst violence against the Chinese during the 1880s was the massacre in a coal mining community which ended only after Chinatown had been burned and at least 28 Chinese workers had been killed(Hoexter 121). As a result, Chinese left many rural areas for the larger cities and towns where they could afford some protection.

Fortunately, throughout these troubled times the Chinese in America had staunch friends, such as Erskine Ross, who later became a federal judge and exhibited superb courage during the anti-Chinese riots in Los Angeles in 1871. His cousin W. A. Thom, Jr. tells the story; a mob of Americans was in possession, destroying and killing when suddenly Erskine Ross stood alone before them eyes blazing, jaw set and revolver in hand; there were no more murders that night. Rosss determination drew kindred spirits to him and the mob dispersed (S. W. Kung 88).

There were others like Reverend Johnson of the Reformed Presbyterian Church of San Francisco, actively involved in opposing the exclusion laws. Also, Senator Charles Summer of Massachusetts and Lyman Trumbull of Illinois worked hard in Congress to remove discriminating legislation against the Chinese. About two decades after the Exclusion Act was passed, the social profile of the Chinese communities and Chinatown in the West and mid West changed through the increasing number of Chinese going into business.

Chinatown is a center of social and business activity within a non-Chinese community. Most Chinatowns were located near railway stations and docks because the early Chinese wished ready access to visit relatives and friends. Moreover, just like other immigrants who came to the United States, the Chinese established Chinatowns not only for self-protection but also for companionship. Self-protection appeared to be vital, since a few years after their arrival the anti-Chinese movement spread throughout the West.

In addition, the Chinese found it almost impossible in those days to obtain lodgings outside Chinatown. Explanation given by Lai mentions that the exclusion act cut short the influx of alien immigrants into America and second generation Chinese, whose numbers were few, grew gradually but steadily over the years. These second generations born and reared on American soil learned and adopted many cultural value characteristics of the larger society.

Since the traditional Chinatown organization only catered to the needs of adult males, many of Chinatowns children and youths were naturally attracted to Americanized youths and church related organizations (Lai 56). It is through this way, Chinatown children were introduced to American culture. By the early twentieth century, American middle-class values and ideals were replacing the more traditional beliefs among American-born Chinese. The changing attitudes among Chinese Americans affected the status of their women.

No longer confined to the home, many started working outside jobs to help support their family income. According to Chen in his book, The Chinese in America, some of these Chinese women were able to achieve their goals such as Faith Sai So Leung, the first modern-trained Chinese woman dentist. In 1912 Tye Leung became the first Chinese American civil servant, working as an assistant to the matrons and interpreter at the Angel Island Immigration station, and Doly Gee became manager of the French American Bank which later changed its name to the Bank of America in 1923 (Chen, 34).

From the turn of the twentieth century up until World War II Japan threatened Chinas sovereignty. Therefore, this political threat united the Chinese Americans among different ethnic groups such as Hakka, Cantonese, Sze Yup and etc: As Japan launched an undeclared war against China in 1937, Chinese American communities intensified their support for their motherland(Lai 67). The Second World War was the turning point for the Chinese in their major participation in American society which later turned out to be a blessing in disguise for future Chinese American society.

During wartime, manpower shortage was obvious and this opened doors to job opportunities that had been previously closed to Chinese: Many are found working in shipyards and other war industries or served in the merchant marine, while others filled technical professional and white collar positions. About 12,000 Chinese were drafted or enlisted in the Armed Forces. After the war they used the veteran benefits to further their education in colleges and technical schools (Lai 69).

The war also turned out to be an important factor in the repeal of the Exclusion Acts. China was an American ally against the Japanese in the Pacific. Furthermore, as a morale booster and as an attempt to counter Japanese anti-white propaganda in Asia, Congress finally voted in 1943 to end Chinese exclusion. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Chinese Americans had a wider choice of occupations to choose from. Gradually, many Chinese moved out of the Chinatowns and dispersed among the general population in America.

There were a large number of Chinese Americans entering government service because they sought job security and equal employment opportunities, but as discrimination decreased, more of them sought after jobs in the private sector. According to Chen, in order for Chinese to ensure economic advances, many Chinese Americans sought after higher education which resulted a high percentage of educated Chinese Americans. By 1970, a quarter of the Chinese American men had college degrees, the highest of any ethnic group and twice the United States average.

After World War II, most Chinese ventured into grocery stores and restaurant businesses. By the mid-twentieth century, there were about 2,000 Chinese-owned grocery stores. Later, a survey done by the U. S. Dept of Commerce in 1972 found that Chinese American enterprises ranked second to those of Japanese Americans among minority owned business with 13,070 firms. However they were first in total gross receipts contributing to $1,186,907,000(Lai 78). Obviously, the present progress of the Chinese American economy advancement was much better off compared to the early Chinese immigrants.

Cuba vs. China

Cuba is one of the last actual socialism in a world that has given up on the idea of state-dominated economies and has started adopting market-based democracy. Cuba is one of the last orthodox Marxisms in the world. It is led by Fidel Castro, a dictator. Cuba is starting to have problems with its socialism. Cuba is being influenced by market forces that are changing its economy and politics. The end of hugh subsidies and loans from the former Soviet Union and its communist allies has placed the Cuban government under pressure to reform quickly.

The Castro regime has been forced to use market-based reforms to preserve its absolute control over political power. While the reform measures are making some economic stabilization, recent attempts to extent the reforms have been unpopular with the people. Making an uncertain future for economic and political change in Cuba. This former socialist country has had to penetrate world markets to earn hard currency. The loss of socialist subsidized imports, as well as major markets for its exports, has devastated the Cuban economy.

The government is now forced to use hard currency o pay for imports, Cuba’s foreign exchange reserves are being rapidly depleted, particularly since it must now pay world-market prices for almost all imports. Since 1989 overall imports have plummeted more than 60%, representing a contraction in GDP of over 25%. Most of the lost imports have been essential raw and intermediate materials, thereby severely depressing industrial production. Excess capacity in all sectors except agriculture and tourism is now estimated by local experts at more than 80%.

Because of the foreign exchange shortage, Cuba has been getting further into debt. Although official debt statistics have not been published since 1990, Cuba’s external debt was estimated at $32 billion in 1991 and now hovers around the $35 billion mark. Worse yet, most of the debt is poorly structured, creating a tremendous drain on its limited resources and already depleted foreign exchange coffers. The loss of most of the heavily subsidized oil from the NIS area, for example, has created severe energy shortages, with the government forced to import bicycles from China as a substitute for public transportation.

Gasoline is very costly and out of reach of most Cubans, while scheduled and unscheduled power cuts are now common throughout the island. (“Brown-outs” continue to damage already antiquated industrial machinery. ) Shortages of spare parts and fuel have also affected the still pivotal sugar industry. The government reports some progress in a generally poor outlook. One is a increase in oil exploration and production 1992. The other is the recent decision of the NIS to sell Cuba additional oil, but still well above the subsidized prices of the Pre-Gorbachev period.

Cuba is far from getting the foreign investment needed to boost its oil production enough to become self-sufficient in the near future. The island does continue to receive needed crude from Mexico and Venezuela in line with its bilateral framework accords with these two countries. However, they are charging Cuba world market prices, which are currently increasing. As might be expected, Cuba’s economic crisis is taking its toll on Cuban citizens. Food rationing has reduced many people to bare subsistence, and malnutrition is now a problem.

Medical supplies are scarce. Unemployment and underemployment in many urban and industrial areas exceed 50% even by official estimates. Exports of manpower to Central America and as far as Bolivia and Angola once served as an important safety valve for the Cuban regime. But such foreign “technical” and military missions have largely ceased with the end of longstanding civil conflicts in those nations. As a result of Cuba’s economic difficulties, the black market is now larger than the legal, state-dominated economy.

The Cuban Center for the Study of the Americas stimates that in the 1990-93 period underground economic activity grew five-fold to over 10 billion pesos. The legalization of dollar transactions in July 1993 was ample recognition of the US dollar as the medium of exchange in a large and growing parallel economy. The Cuban government favors international investment that generates or conserves badly-needed foreign exchange. Investments in tourism, the oil industry, pharmaceuticals, medical equipment and computer software receive priority.

In mid-June, a large Mexican group agreed to purchase and run Cuba’s ailing phone company. As happens elsewhere, the actual capital inflows may, of course, be lower than the amount registered because of delays in getting the projects from the blueprint to the actual construction stage. Also, the Cubans are liberally interpreting Decree 50 and other laws and regulations governing foreign investment. Due to its need for credit, trade guarantees, import and export financing, credit card operations and other financial services, Cuba’s financial services sector can be described as full of potential.

Cuba is actively seeking foreign banks and major accounting irms to establish joint ventures with state-owned firms. On the other hand, China’s economic system has been reformed both structurally and functionally. Some of the reasons lay in their youth as a communist country, lacking the institutionalism and complete central authority which would have restricted change. The key reasons, though, lay in the manner in which reform was presented, and how the government was modified in advance to accept those changes when they came. China’s economy evolved into the system it is today without radical political reform.

The basic structure of their government remains and retains a level of control over how policy is made and where power is distributed. The original design, modeled after the Russian system produced policy and handed down decisions in a one way fashion, with those in lower party and government levels left only to carry out orders and monitor progress. Involvement by those closest to a given facet of the economy was limited, even more so for some than others. China, following in the footsteps of Russia, had focused its economic efforts toward heavy industry.

Light industry and agriculture served to support urban, industrialized areas. Foreign trade and foreign investment existed almost solely to feed heavy industry and was under exclusive government control. Political power followed this narrow path, as well. Individuals and government agencies involved with heavy industry reaped the benefits of an economic system which funneled resources in only their direction. If policy was to be made regarding economic change, those select ministries and localities were more actively involved in the process.

Nearly all other industries lacked the representation necessary to bear sufficient influence for economic change. Once again, political and economic change flowed from the top down. Successively lower political tiers towed the party line fed to them from the one above. Common sense tells us that this system has its limitations as those at the highest levels of government cannot be well versed on all facets of economy and industry. Their ability to make informed decisions is dependent upon how much they interact with those at lower levels, and by their own political agendas. Delegation of authority was the obvious choice.

Allowing those closer to, and better informed about a given process lends itself to effective control of its progress. Central control over disseminated authority remained strong. Shirk used the term delegation by consensus to describe this process of requiring that the level of government below agree with the one above it over a given policy before it can be passed down. While no level of government should be given unchecked rein over policy determination, this limited lower level input so severely that I see it as little better than simply being handed your orders as before.

If the lower level organization wished to block a measure, it could by refusing to agree, but that would only throw the measure back to the party leaders to be decided upon and delivered in old style party fashion. Before any real reform could be made, communist leader Deng Xiaoping knew that some political power restructuring would have to be made. The balance of power toward the center and away from the provinces did not lend itself to reforms that did not follow the heavy industry intensive trends of the past.

His position gave him the power to look to provinces for political support in exchange for appointments to, and therefore better representation in, the central committee. This was not a new idea, Mao Zedong attempted to use this strategy of decentralization before to a small degree of success. After placing individuals in positions of power, select markets were given the right to sell small amounts of goods domestically at their own prices. In return for the opportunity to participate, these provinces had to pledge support for the political reform.

This represents an ingenious method for guaranteeing future political success. Waving the carrot of prosperity, through economic freedoms, in return for the support to wave it at others. Other provinces who see the good fortune of their neighbors view the change as a positive process, and are even more willing participants than those who came before them. Opening markets at startup and providing access to sales abroad followed shortly through special economic zones (SEZ’s). There were four zones set up by Deng Xiaoping for foreign investment with Chinese residing outside the mainland .

Ideally, this would present Xiaoping with the opportunity to sell the new idea to the government, on the basis that the select few number of zones would stave off foreign domination of culture and promote foreign trade. Xiaoping persuaded officials to offer preferential treatment for the newly established zones. Exports had to be subsidized with government funds to compensate losses. The major contributor to this was the value placed on the yuan by the Chinese themselves to increase import rates. Later attempts to compensate for this would find China with one rate for domestic and another for foreign exchange.

This dual rate system is the major detractor from the success of the SEZ’s and those areas granted similar freedoms in the years after. It is obvious in hindsight that devaluing renminbi rates before aggressively pursuing exports would have aided the new markets tremendously. Of course a closed economy, lacking in past experience in the particulars of exporting may not have had the background knowledge to foresee this as the staggering hindrance that it has become. China still battles against this problem today. It has become the point of much speculation over what will be the future of China’s economy if the matter is not resolved correctly.

Rapid devaluation internally to a one rate system stands to damage their economy as a whole, not just in foreign trade. Opportunities to work this dilemma out when both rates had approached similar levels were not taken advantage of. The pressure from countries such as the United States was never so great as it is now, however, giving the Chinese a sense that a solution is urgently needed. Many important economic issues face the Chinese in the coming years, aside from the problems of overvaluation. Many are being caused by the very same practices used to initiate reform.

Some markets, freed of restrictions via particularism and decentralization are being found difficult to control by a much more distant party. They may set their own rates and valuation with respect to foreign markets, in some instances with debilitating effect on those set by the government. Central government, dealing with localities through individual agreements, cannot gain control due to a lack of standardization of how these values are set. China’s future success may well depend upon another restructuring of the allocation of power and on finding a better way to control rogue influence from individuals.

Divisions of government will have to be guaranteed the ability to enforce such regulations, and treat all markets with an equal hand. China’s past successes have removed the doubt that fueled opposition to opening markets. Thus the need to make lucrative exchanges, be it for political support or monetary gain, seem unnecessary, damaging practices. This leads back to the argument for standards regarding government-market interaction. It also questions the necessity of favoring heavy industry through capital investments.

No longer a threat politically to policy change, the idea of diverting funds to other more profitable markets only makes better sense. The institution of better economic control, then, could be at the base of future achievement. When the economy behaves as expected, then plans can be constructed and implemented with fewer variables standing in the way. If that control is not found, then government is at the mercy of the market to determine its own path. It is a reasonable assumption that China will find a way to rein in market control, while still providing the autonomy necessary to allow it to grow efficiently.

Just as China did not require major political change to implement reform, nothing leads me to believe that future reforms will require it as well. Coming changes to China’s economy will not be as revolutionary, or likely be met with such opposition as those in the past. I see these changes more as adjustments, fine tuning the present system. Movement in new directions could only be viewed as expansion of the present system, not construction of a new one. Without a doubt, China has attained its goal of a more open economy without the need for radical restructuring politically.

The path chosen to pursue that goal was well planned and exercised with caution. The importance of a gradual movement into reform was recognized, as was the need to prepare the provinces in advance for their upcoming changes. Opposition was quieted through monetary and political offering, and later by better representation of beneficiaries in policy making bodies. The importance of maintaining certain controls under the command of central government was recognized as well. All of these factors contributed to the success of this most difficult campaign.

Chinese Reform Essay

Two years after the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, it became apparent to many of China’s leaders that economic reform was necessary. During his tenure as China’s premier, Mao had encouraged social movements such as the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution which had had as their bases ideologies such as serving the people and maintaining the class struggle. By 1978 “Chinese leaders were searching for a solution to serious economic problems produced by Hua Guofeng, the man who had succeeded Mao Zedong as CCP leader after Mao’s death” (Shirk 35).

Hua had demonstrated a desire to continue the ideologically based movements of Mao. Unfortunately, these movements had left China in a state where “agriculture was stagnant, industrial production was low, and the people’s living standards had not increased in twenty years” (Nathan 200). This last area was particularly troubling. While “the gross output value of industry and agriculture increased by 810 percent and national income grew by 420 percent [between 1952 and 1980] … average individual income increased by only 100 percent” (Ma Hong quoted in Shirk 28).

However, attempts at economic reform in China were introduced not only due to some kind of generosity on the part f the Chinese Communist Party to increase the populace’s living standards. It had become clear to members of the CCP that economic reform would fulfill a political purpose as well since the party felt, properly it would seem, that it had suffered a loss of support. As Susan L. Shirk describes the situation in The Political Logic of Economic Reform in China, restoring the CCP’s prestige required improving economic performance and raising living standards.

The traumatic experience of the Cultural Revolution had eroded popular trust in the moral and political virtue of the CCP. The party’s leaders decided to hift the base of party legitimacy from virtue to competence, and to do that they had to demonstrate This movement “from virtue to competence” seemed to mark a serious departure from orthodox Chinese political theory. Confucius himself had posited in the fifth century BCE that those individuals who best demonstrated what he referred to as moral force should lead the nation.

Using this principle as a guide, China had for centuries attempted to choose at least its bureaucratic leaders by administering a test to determine their moral force. After the Communist takeover of the country, Mao continued this emphasis on moral force by demanding that Chinese citizens demonstrate what he referred to as “correct consciousness. ” This correct consciousness could be exhibited, Mao believed, by the way people lived. Needless to say, that which constituted correct consciousness was often determined and assessed by Mao. Nevertheless, the ideal of moral force was still a potent one in China even after the Communist takeover.

It is noteworthy that Shirk feels that the Chinese Communist Party leaders saw economic reform as a way to regain their and their party’s moral virtue even after Mao’s death. Thus, paradoxically, by demonstrating their expertise in a more practical area of competence, the leaders of the CCP felt they could demonstrate how they were serving the people. To be sure, the move toward economic reform came about as a result of a “changed domestic and international environment, which altered the leadership’s perception of the factors that affect China’s national security and social stability” (Xu 247).

But Shirk feels that, in those pre-Tienenmen days, such a move came about also as a result of an attempt by CCP leaders to demonstrate, in a more practical and thus less obviously deological manner than Mao had done, their moral force. This is not to say that the idea of economic reform was embraced enthusiastically by all members of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party in 1978. To a great extent, the issue of economic reform became politicized as the issue was used as a means by Deng Xiaoping to attain the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party.

Mao’s successor, Hua Guofeng, had “tried to prove himself a worthy successor to Mao by draping himself in the mantle of Maoist tradition. His approach to economic development was orthodox Maoism with an up-to-date, international twist” Shirk 35). This approach was tied heavily to the development of China’s oil reserves. “[W]hen [in 1978] estimates of the oil reserves were revised downward[,] commitments to import plants and expand heavy industry could not be sustained” (Shirk 35).

Deng took advantage of this economic crisis to discredit Hua and aim for leadership of the party. “Reform policies became Deng’s platform against Hua for post-Mao leadership” (Shirk 36). Given this history of economic reform, it is evident that “under the present system economic questions are necessarily political questions” (Dorn 43). Once Deng and his faction had prevailed, it was necessary for some sort of economic reform to evolve. The initial form the new economy took was not a radical one.

China was “still a state in which the central government retain[ed] the dominant power in economic resource allocation and responsible local officials work[ed] for the interest of the units under their control” (Solinger 103). However, as time passed, some basic aspects of the old system were altered either by design or via the process of what might be called benign neglect. As Shirk points out, in rural areas, decollectivization was occurring: “decision making power [was being ransferred] from collective production units (communes, brigades, and teams) to the family” (38); purchase prices for major farm products were increased (39).

In 1985, further reforms were introduced. For example, long-term sales contracts between farmers and the government were established. In addition, in an effort to allow the market to determine prices, “city prices of fruit and vegetables, fish, meat, and eggs, were freed from government controls so they could respond to market demand” (Shirk 39). Most importantly, “a surge of private and collective industry and commerce in the countryside” (Shirk 39) occurred.

This allowed a great ercentage of the populace to become involved in private enterprise and investment in family or group ventures. The conditions also allowed rural Chinese to leave the villages and become involved in industry in urban centers (Shirk 40). The economy grew so quickly that inflation occurred and the government had to reinstitute price controls. China’s economy retains these characteristics of potential for growth–and inflation–to Another important aspect of Chinese economic reform was the decision of China to join the world economy.

Deng Xiaoping and his allies hoped to effect this 1979 resolution in two ways: by expanding foreign rade, and by encouraging foreign companies to invest in Chinese enterprises. This policy–denoted the “Open Policy” (Shirk 47)–was a drastic removal from the policies of Mao Zedong and, in fact, from centuries of Chinese political culture. The Open Policy, which designated limited areas in China “as places with preferential conditions for foreign investment and bases for the development of exports” (Nathan 99), was extremely successful in the areas where it was implemented (Shirk 47).

However, it was looked upon by many Chinese as nothing less than an avenue to “economic dependency” (Nathan 50). Indeed, when the policy was first many Chinese seem[ed] to fear that Deng’s policies [were] drawing China back toward its former semi-colonial status as a “market where the imperialist countries dump their goods, a raw material base, a repair and assembly workshop, It is interesting to note the symptoms of a national character that would subscribe to the above sentiment.

In an article written in 1981, just two years after the Open Policy was first proposed, Andrew J. Nathan noted the almost pathological resistance to foreign intervention in the Chinese economy: “Some Chinese fear that reliance on imported echnology will encourage a dependent psychology … [Many] Chinese perceive joint ventures as a costly form of acquisition. ‘Some people worry: Won’t we be suffering losses by letting foreigners make profits in our country? ‘” (52). The Chinese were as vociferous about issues of sovereignty.

Nathan maintained that the Mao-led revolution, which culminated in victory in 1949, had been fueled by “an intense patriotism: … once China had ‘stood up,’ no infringement on its sovereignty, no matter how small, should be permitted” (53). These feelings were manifested in denying foreign businessmen long-term, multiple entry visas, esisting “increased foreign economic contacts” and alteration of current ways of doing things, and disinclination to become involved in government-to-government loans and joint ventures lest Chinese become exploited in some way (Nathan 53-55).

Given these hesitancies on the part of the Chinese society vis-a-vis foreign relations, it is impressive that Deng and his allies were able initially to create and implement the Open Policy since many members of the society at large were resistant to becoming involved in a policy so antithetical to the Chinese national character. However, once the successes of the Open Policy were apparent, esistance to the plan by the populace waned.

Moreover, given the confluence of politics and economics in China, it seems apparent that some members of the CCP would also not be in favor of the plan. Nevertheless, the Open Policy was implemented and has become instrumental in the success The implementation of the Open Policy was so successful that by 1988 the leaders of the CCP were encouraged to create a new program called the “coastal development strategy. ” In this program, even more of the country was opened up to foreign investment–an area which, at the time, included nearly 200 million people.

Moreover, by involving more overseas investors, “importing both capital and raw materials,” and “exporting China’s cheap excess labor power,” the new policy was one of “‘export-led growth’ or ‘export-oriented industrialization. ‘ It [was] explicitly modeled on the experiences of Taiwan and the other Asian ‘small dragons'” One analyst has maintained that “China now stands at the threshold of the greatest opportunity in human history: a new economic era promising greater wealth and achievement than any previous epoch” (Gilder 369).

Illustrative of this optimistic feeling is Shanghai, an area that as designated for preferential conditions for foreign investment and as a base for the development of exports in 1988. This city and environs in the Yangtze Delta area have a population of approximately 400 million people and the city has become the nation’s financial hub for international and national investors. For political reasons, this area was excluded from the original Open Policy designation in 1978, but is currently in the process of catching up with other areas so designated.

Indeed, the increase in foreign investments in the last two years is striking. The area received 3. billion dollars in foreign investments during the 1980s. The area received the same amount from foreign investments in 1992 alone. In only the first ten months of 1993, the area had received over six billion dollars worth of foreign investments (Tyler A8). Western analysts have asserted that the Open Policy and the coastal development strategy have allowed Deng to entrench his political power (Shirk 47) and will allow his power to be sustained even after death. If this is true, Deng should be very popular in Shanghai.

With its new designation, and with the billions of foreign dollars coming into the area, t has become necessary to improve the city’s facilities. To that end forty billion dollars worth of public works projects have been allocated by the central government for Shanghai within the last year (Tyler A1). These public works projects include new sewers, a new water system, new gas lines, a new bridge, and extensive roadwork. Future plans include the construction of a second international airport, a container port, a new subway system, and more roads and bridges (Tyler A8).

The financial district, which will feature a new stock exchange, is also being rebuilt by China and foreign investors in a joint venture. By being designated for preferential conditions, Shanghai received from the central government tax exemptions for enterprises doing business with foreign companies, tax holidays for new factories set up with foreign investments, and a bonded zone–the largest in China–for duty free imports of raw materials. Shanghai now has all the trappings of a modern city: discos, construction projects, and conspicuous consumption.

In short, where “revered monuments and golden arches exist side by side” (Riboud 12), the appearance of the new Shanghai does nothing less than signal “the end of the ideological ebate over China’s free market experiments” (Tyler A8). Shanghai has joined the ranks of the modern metropolis. However, this is not necessarily a beneficial development. Inflation is rampant: prices have doubled in the industrial zones in the last five years. Nevertheless, the fact that Shanghai currently possesses the fifth most expensive office space in the world demonstrates that demand is high and that the prospects for future growth are promising (Tyler A8).

Indeed, Pudong, a free export manufacturing zone described as “the future sight of Shanghai’s Manhattan” (Tyler A8), boasts more than twenty factories built r being built with names like Siemens and Hitachi prominent. This area has become particularly attractive to foreign investors and companies because of its tax concessions, duty free imports of raw materials, and cheap labor. Shanghai stands to benefit, too, as it receives ancillary technology and discretionary spending from the workers and executives of the companies represented (Tyler A8).

It is conditions like these that have caused at least one analyst to predict that China will be “the richest economy in the world within the next 25 years” (Gilder 372). Shanghai is by no means unique to this growth. Additional oreign investments have continued to pour into other areas of China. For example, the Boeing Company recently announced its intention to “invest $100 million in a plant in [Xian] China to make tail sections for 737 jetliners” (“Boeing” D4). In addition, E. I. du Pont recently predicted “that its investments and business in China could increase as much as ten times by the end of the century” (“Du Pont” D2).

Tellingly, du Pont’s chairman attributed the company’s negotiations of “as many as 28 new projects in China” to the fact “that the country’s financial changes, improved infrastructure and rising disposable income has [sic] encouraged he company to expand its business activities” (“Du Pont” D2). The Chinese government has made conscientious attempts to promote the strength of the country’s economy while protecting its citizens. Just a few weeks ago, the government instituted “tight-money policies, intended to control inflation and slow what has been the world’s fastest growing major economy” (Shenon “China Halts” D1).

However, after doing so, China’s Securities Regulatory Commission was forced to stop the issuing of new issues on the Shanghai and Shenzhen Stock Exchanges because the value of the markets had decreased so greatly. This latter move was “meant to calm millions of first-time Chinese investors who evidently went into the market believing that stock prices could only go up” (Shenon “China Halts” D1). Might this policy show a union of economic and moral concern? If so, it demonstrates the desire on the part of the government to show some kind of responsibility, some moral force, to its citizenry.

At the very least, the strategy appears to show a practical desire on the part of the government to take control over what could have been a bad economic situation. Indeed, after these measures were instituted, China’s rade deficit decreased (Hansell D2) and the stock markets’ volume attained record highs (“Stocks Surge” D2). To be sure, Chinese investors remain somewhat wary about the stock market and, ironically enough, more control of the stock markets appears to be necessary (Shenon “A Nail-Biting” D1).

But, in discussing Chinese attempts to control inflation, Philip J. Suttle, head of emerging markets research at the investment firm of J. P. Morgan, has predicted that “[i]t looks as though the Chinese are going to have the soft landing they are aiming for” (quoted in Hansell D2). China’s interest in stock markets is no longer restricted to ithin its own boundaries. This month, Shandong Huaneng Power Development Company, “the first mainland Chinese company to have its primary listing on the New York Stock Exchange” (“China Stock” D5), began trading shares.

The stock should be an attractive one to investors: Chinese electrical “demand … is expected to grow by a whopping 17 million kilowatts a year until the turn of the century” (Zuckerman D6). Moreover, China stands to gain from the issue’s sales. “The company plans to use the $311 million dollars it received from the offering to retire $83 million in loans from … Chinese state entities. It also plans to expand its overall generating capacity” (Zuckerman D6). Nor does this signify the only Chinese attempt of raising capital from foreign sources on foreign soil.

Three more power companies are expected to be listed in New York and Hong Kong in the coming months” Given the apparent strength of the Chinese economy as shown by huge public works projects, extensive foreign investments, participation in the world economy, and a generally higher standard of living by the populace, it would appear that China is now ready to join the world as a modern capitalistic and democratic society. However, this is not quite the ase. The CCP retains vestiges of those characteristics of insularity and intransigence as discussed by Nathan.

Because of its human rights record, the country’s economic growth is being impeded. That is, the politics of China, which have always been allied with its economics, are now The United States, especially, has been concerned with China’s treatment of political dissidents. In May, President Clinton decided to end linking China’s trade status with the United States with its record on human rights.

The president has been criticized for this because of situations like the following: trials for “‘counterrevolutionary ctivities’ [including] … lans to use a remote-controlled airplane to drop pro-democracy leaflets over … Tienenmen Square” (“China cracks” A13) have recently begun for fifteen dissidents and labor organizers who were involved in the Tienenmen Square protests. These trials have “been delayed twice, first to avoid negative international reaction just before the decision last September on China’s failed bid to host the 2000 Olympics and then this spring to avoid influencing Clinton’s trade decision” (“China cracks” A13).

In addition, China has instituted “new laws effective in June [which] give sweeping powers to China’s State Security Bureau to clamp down on dissidents” (“China cracks” A13). China is fully aware of United States’ concerns about its human rights record. Given the fact that the United States has made it clear to China that that record will be allied with trade status, China’s timing of such restrictive activities has caused United States legislators and administrators to question China’s sincerity in its desire to have a favored trade status with the United States.

Indeed, just in the past few days, it took a last-minute lobbying campaign by President Clinton nd his Cabinet [to head off a] potentially embarrassing vote by the House of Representatives to restrict trade with China as a way to punish Beijing for reported human rights violations. But China’s problems in joining the community of the world market have more to do than with its political ethos and practices. China appears not to understand or to be able to follow through on fundamental modern economic practices.

For example, the United States has recently complained that “China has not complied with international rules on access to its markets and protection of copyrights and patents” (Gargan 14). Such non-compliance could make it difficult for China to become a founding World Trade Organization, the successor to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the body that is intended to promote global free trade by lowering tariffs and other barriers, [which] will be formally constituted on January 1, 1994.

The specific nature of the United States’ complaint has to do with China’s pirating of musical compact disks, video laser disks and computer software. In fact, it is estimated that such pirating costs American companies a billion dollars a year. This phenomenon seems to have to do with the Chinese psychology as described by Nathan. In his 1981 essay he noted that China did not wish to become a “technological client of the west. The preferred solution is to buy one item and copy it” (Nathan 52). Clearly, this is not the way trade works today.

It is the United States’ position that China must adhere to the rules of trade before it can be included in a trade organization. Needless to say, exclusion from WTO would be disastrous for any country, but particularly for an emerging market such as Even on a day to day basis, China’s economic leaders seem unable to understand how some aspects of a market economy work. In discussing the status of the Shanghai Stock Market, for example, one stock dealer referred to it as “crazy” (“Stocks Surge” D2). Moreover, American analysts have been amazed to discover in the Shanghai market “the lack of regulation and the poor disclosure requirements.

Some companies have been listed for two or three years and have not issued an annual report” (Hansell D2). It is no wonder that Chinese investors become anxious about The issuance of shares in the Shandong Huaneng Power Development Company also demonstrates the lack of expertise on the part of the Chinese in the modern world market. In fact, according to one Hong Kong investment analyst, “‘[t]he company wasn’t really a company. It was just a bunch of discrete plants that they tied a bow around and wrote a prospectus on'” (Zuckerman D6). The prospectus guaranteed a fifteen percent annual return on investments.

In fact, the return will no doubt be less than that because of prevailing currency exchange rates and debt that To be sure, the problems of the Shandong Huaneng Power Development Company and the Shanghai Stock Exchange may demonstrate only the problems of an immature economy. Nevertheless, if China wishes to ecome a viable member of the world economic community, such shortcomings These apparent problems may also be the result of an economic system that is run by the state. Certainly, one thing that the CCP has attempted to do is create a market economy while retaining a state controlled system.

This structure may be possible but it does have its critics. Steven N. S. Cheung, in an essay written in 1989, argued for the “creation of private property by mandate” (31), feeling that privatization in China would lead to necessary additional investment in the society’s infrastructure and the establishment of a “judicial system that is based irmly on the principle of equality before the law” (Cheung 32). Echoing Cheung’s sentiments, James Dorn saw problems in the areas of Chinese banking and finance. In this arrangement, Dorn argued, “the state controls the bulk of investment resources.

The lack of a private capital market has handicapped economic development in China and hampered rational investment decisionmaking” (43). In order to become a modern economic state Dorn argued for the necessity of circumventing “China’s ruling elite who oppose the dismantling of state monopolies and who benefit from price fixing and nonprice rationing” (51). Xu Zhiming also saw the necessity for a revamping of the Chinese system: “We must throw off the traditional system completely” (249) in order for economic reform to thrive. Communist Party members, of course, articulate a different position.

In a recent interview that appeared in the Beijing Review, Feng Bing, Deputy Secretary General of the State Commission for Restructuring the Economic System, spoke to the issue of economic reform in China. It is striking that Feng spoke of the benefits that the populace has received as a result of the economic reform now occurring in China. That is, his omments appeared to demonstrate the beneficence, or the moral force, of the Chinese Communist Party vis-a-vis economic reform.

He noted that such reform involves the essence of socialism: “to liberate and develop productive forces; to eradicate exploitation; to remove polarization; and … o attain the goal of common prosperity” (“Official” 12). Thus, CCP leaders still appear to see their roles as representatives of a moral force. CCP members and leaders wish economic reform not to be judged on just its practical merits, but also as an effect of the moral force of the leadership. Economic reform, then, becomes nothing less than a moral crusade and it is thus easy to see why, for example, China “has staked its national prestige on becoming a founding member of the World Trade Will China succeed in taking its place among the nations of the world market?

Will the CCP succeed in retaining its political power given the drastic changes in the societal makeup of China that are occurring due to the changing economic realities? I would suggest that the chances are better for the former than for the latter. Once the Chinese attain more sophistication relative to international and national markets, institute a ore manageable banking system, and make a good faith effort to insure acceptable human rights, the country may well become “the richest economy in the world within the next 25 years” (Gilder 372).

However, whether or not these conditions can occur without a weakening of the state controlled system is problematic. The most impressive and far-reaching display of moral force by the CCP may well have to be a voluntary reduction of its power over the people. Paradoxically, by weakening itself politically, the party may demonstrate its true moral force by liberating, politically and economically, one billion Chinese citizens.

China The Favored Nation

What is the debate on weather or not China should retain favored-nation trading status all about? Is it really a decision on what is best economically for the United States, and China. Or is it: the issue of Chinese human rights violations and the fact that if the United States where to revoke the favored nation status of China it would have a profound negative impact on the U. S. economy alone. (+)Most-favored-nation trade status started in the United States as a version of the European preferential trade system.

The Carter Administration first granted most-favored-nation trading status to China in 1980, following the historic efforts of President Nixon during the 1970’s to restore diplomatic ties. Historically, a significant difference existed between the unconditional most-favored-nation clause in European trade law and the American version of conditional most-favored-nation. Under unconditional most-favored-nation status, one country’s extension of tariff concessions guarantees the same concessions to all nations associated with it through commercial treaties.

American conditional most-favored-nation status provided treaty signatories only the opportunity to negotiate most-favored-nation status when most-favored-nation status was extended to another trading partner. Thus meaning that the United States gives significant economic advantages to one nation in the form of most-favored-nation trading status. Under the Trade Act of 1974, most-favored-nation status could only be granted to China through a Sino-American bilateral commercial agreement and satisfaction of the Jackson-Vanik Amendment requirements.

The Jackson-Vanik amendment states that the President of the United States may grant a communist country such as China most-favored-nation trade status if it was in conjunction with a trade agreement and upon proper improvement that China would permit emigration. Also China would have to satisfy that they are moving toward improving current policies. The conclusion of the US-PRC commercial accord in July 1979, and the initial waiving of the Jackson-Vanik requirements, and with Congressional approval, most-favored-nation status was granted to China.

This action sealed the successful efforts of the Carter Administration to create social and economic ties through Sino-American relations. The renewal of China’s most-favored-nation trade status has been supported by Chinese liberalization of its own emigration policies. Six hundred and twenty-five thousand Chinese citizens traveled abroad in 1990. The Chinese government in 1990 issued 280,000 new passports. During the same year, the United States issued seventeen thousand immigrant visas through consular offices in China, the full number allowed by American immigration law.

The principal restraint to Chinese emigration has arisen not from Chinese emigration policies but from the unwillingness of other countries to accept immigrants. Most-favored-nation status for China continues to provide an incentive for further advancement in this area as well as facilitating the contacts that the Carter administration established well over a decade ago. By granting China most-favored-nation trade status the United States has started that long and difficult process of bringing China out of its international dark ages.

In order to live up to the terms of most-favored-nation trade status China has had to become more open to social and economic changes. These reforms included more economic freedom, easier access for foreign direct investments. The economic developments these reforms have been to a main cause for China’s newly increased gross nation product. Over a ten-year period from 1978 to 1988 most-favored-nation trade status was directly responsible for an annual ten percent growth in China’s gross national product. China will likely prove to be a significant market for the U. S. in the future.

China is one of the world’s fastest growing economies, and with its efforts to reform, improve, and modernize its economy could come a significant increase in demand for imports. Infrastructure development, in particular, has been made a major priority, and the Chinese government has also announced that foreign firms will be allowed to participate in a wide variety of projects. This is very important to the United States because it mean that there is for the foreseeable future a market for their goods and services in China.

Also as a result of the most-favored-nation trade status that China currently holds it makes the opportunity for international business ventures there even that much interesting because of the possibility of high profits. Another advantage for the United States is in the area of imports from China. The surge in United States imports of Chinese products over the past few years can be largely explained by two factors. First, China’s production of low-cost, highly labor-intensive products has grown greatly in recent years.

A main reason for this is that the price that which the Chinese are able to produce goods is at a lower level than almost any other producer. In addition the United States demand for product of this type has and mostly likely will continue to rise in the future. In response Taiwan and Hong Kong have moved many of their production firms into China to take advantage of lower labor costs. This is good for the economy of China and it also helps to supply the United States with low cost goods. (=)The growing U. S. trade imbalance with China, and the exclusive market segments of China’s trade regime have become of major concern to many U. S. policymakers.

Over the past few years, the U. S. trade deficit with China has surged. It rose to nearly 50 billion in 1997 and could top or exceed 60 billion in 1998. China’s trade policies have become a focal point in the annual congressional debate over renewing China’s most-favored-nation trade status. Along with other non-trade issues, including but not limited to human rights violations, weapons sales, and foreign policy issues. Over the past several years, efforts have been made in Congress to terminate, or attach additional conditions to, China’s most-favored-nation trade status, although none have as of yet succeeded.

This policy was opposed by the Bush Administration, which sought to deal with these issues outside the most-favored-nation trade status process. As a result, President Bush vetoed congressional attempts to revoke or condition China’s most-favored-nation trade status, and such vetoes were consistently sustained in the Senate. As a presidential candidate, Bill Clinton criticized the Bush Administration’s China policy and pledged to take a tougher approach to United States-Chinese trade relations, including conditioning China’s most-favored-nation trade status renewal.

To date many of the very same issues that the United State objected to in the past are still going on every day in China. From the American political viewpoint it would seem only right to continue to renew China’s most-favored-nation trade status. Politicians are concerned about is whether or not the United States economy is strong and if it is not, then finding something that they can do to make it that the economy is getting better. So most of the world turns a blind eye to many of the issues that China is currently having and just disregards them.

This meaning that if there were any human rights violations or other types of acts that violated the pact that China signed to earn most-favored-nation trade status, then the United States have a responsibility. A responsibility to do whatever it can as the United States to ease and or end any of the suffering or unfair hardship that the people of China are currently experiencing. It is our duty as human beings to ensure that a high global standard of living. This should be the bottom line.

Because the way that it seems now, the United States is much more concerned about getting inexpensive goods from China and being able to help China update its infrastructure. The question that has to be asked annually when a vote about China’s most-favored-nation trade status comes up is that if it is all right for China to do the things that they do. If we decide that China’s violations of their most-favored-nation trade status are not forgivable then the United States need to cut its economic ties with China.

Decisions like these would be very difficult for the economies of both nations, but it comes down to the fact that money is not the most import thing. Other values have to be placed before the interest of making as much money as possible. (-) Other concerns about future dealings with China have also arisen. The United States has voiced its concerns in recent about China’s missile and nuclear proliferation activities. These concerns led the United States to limit United States exports to China of supercomputers, satellites and parts, and missile technology.

Why is our most favored trading partner-stockpiling weapons? For what reason is China moving nuclear related materials and technology to Pakistan? Needless to say these were some very unsettling events that took place in the early months of 1996. Actions likes these could very well be reason alone for China to lose its most-favored-nation trade status. But yet they were allowed to keep it. The United States Customs Service has found evidence on multiple occasions that China has attempted to circumvent or otherwise break United States textile quotas laws.

This was done by transshipping Chinese products through other countries to the United States by the use of false country of origin labels. Another method was the misclassification of textile and apparel products. The United States Customs Service estimates that such transshipments and other circumvention methods may total up to two billion dollars each year. In addition, the United States has charged that certain Chinese entities have sought to avoid United States tariffs by undervaluing textile and apparel shipments

On January 6,1994, the United States announced that a large reduction of 25-35% below the 1993 level of China’s textile and apparel quota would result due to China’s refusal to accept anti-circumvention provisions in a new textile agreement. The new quota levels were set to take effect on January 17, 1994. However, on that date, the United States and China came up with a new textile agreement that would effectively reduce the growth rate of China’s textile exports to the United States by allowing United States to significantly reduce China’s quotas if China violates the agreement through transshipments.

Charges by the United States Customs Service of illegal transshipments by China have led the United States on separate occasions since the signing of the agreement to reduce China’s textile and apparel quotas on specific products. The most recent incident occurred on September 6, 1996, when the U. S. T. R. announced that the United States would impose a $19 million dollar punitive charge against China’s 1996 textile quota allowance due to China’s repeated violations of the United States-China textile agreement dealing with illegal transshipments.

China in turn has threatened to fight back by imposing restrictions on the importation of certain United States products. I can only begin to imagine the great cost that it takes on a yearly basis to keep a watchful eye on the export practices of the Chinese textile and apparel industries. As if the problem of Chinese textile and apparel exports were not bad enough already there is information that would led to cast an even darker shadow on this portion of the Chinese economy. It is believed the use of forced labor is widespread and a long-standing and accepted practice in many parts of China.

Evidence leads us to believe that China might be using forced labor on a large scale in hopes to increase its exports, and a significant number of these products may be for the United States. I have a problem with making people work against their will. I just think that it is just another form of slavery, and at all cost the United States should try to limit its dealing with nation who use economic practices that involve forced labor of any kind. Another problem with the Chinese exporting goods that may be produced in a forced labor environment is that it not legal.

United States law prohibits importing goods or other commodities from any country produced through the use of forced labor, although getting actual proof of violations for certain imported goods is and will remain to be a very large challenge. In 1994 despite supposed violation, China’s most-favored-nation trade status was renewed. The renewal of China’s most-favored-nation trade status came with the ideal in mind that China would follow the guidelines on the use of prison labor that it had agreed to two years before.

In 1996 it was said that the progress that China had made in reducing the exports produced by prison labor export was good enough to warrant the renewal of most-favored-nation trade status. Only two years later the United States Customs Service confirmed that an iron firm in China had been using prison labor and then illegally exporting their product to the United States. As a result the United States Customs Service placed a important restriction on all product from that iron.

So what does this mean? As I have shown cases where China does not follow rules that are to govern its most-favored-nation trade status, nothing more than a fine or non-acceptance of their product ever happens. I cannot say that I really see the point of the United States having some of the laws that it does. Laws are written and then when they are broken they are not enforced to the severity to which they were broken. China is being treated like it has unconditional trade status.

As of the last time I checked China has most-favored-nation trade status that is still very much conditional on many things. And it would appear that on more than one occasion the United States has caught China breaking laws, rules, or other governing factors that should at least result in some type of economic sanctions. But what happens is that every time that China’s most-favored-nation trade status comes up for vote they campaign really hard to convince us that they are really work to try to improve the condition of their nation.

So what ends up taking place is that when the United States tries to follow through with China’s punishment for doing something wrong they then make threats to turn it all around and counter attack us. We try to enforce agreement that they have signed and we end up in an economic power play. To solve this one of several things needs to happen. First, just accept the fact they were caught trying to sneak around United States Customs laws and take the according penalty. Second, the United States must sticks to the agreement and pacts that it has made with China.

When a violation is committed the United States just does what it should do by fining or posing other such penalties for that said action, and it does not worry about the possibility of counter threat from China. Third, would be to just step back from a crack down of Chinese infractions and rework our foreign trade status policies. In particular, Congress would have to reword or void Title IV of the Trade Act of 1974, commonly known as the Jackson-Vanik Amendment. Which prohibits the President of the United States from granting most-favored-nation trade status to China on a permanent, unconditional basis.

Heck, since the United States has not cared enough to pull most-favored-nation trade status from China why not grant unconditional trade status to the People Republic. I do not know which of the three above ideas is the best, but I do have a very interesting thought about the first one. If the United States is going to stand by and let China break the agreement that we have set then what is the point of having these rules or laws in the first place? If we can accept the fact that China is breaking our laws then we can also understand that this behavior can very well lead to a state of anarchy and lawlessness.

These are all things that are breed by a lack of law, and also facilitated by a lack of proper enforcement of our current laws. This is a warning also for the future as we show China that the United States will not stand for the flagrant breaking of its laws. United States policymakers employ economic sanctions not only to equalize trade and investment disputes, but also to reach non-economic policy objectives. This has been especially true with respect to China. Currently, the United States imposes the following economic sanctions on China.

Restrictions on export licenses are things that the United States may deny if it was determined that the product could make a direct and significant contribution to the development of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems, electronic and submarine warfare, intelligence gathering, nuclear power projection, and air superiority. This restriction was placed on China on November 23, 1984. Another restriction placed on China dealt with the withholding of generalized system of preferences status.

Section 502(b)(1) of the Trade Act of 1974 prevents the President of the United States from designating any developing country as “dominated or controlled by international communism” as a beneficiary of tariff reductions under this program. This restriction took place on January 1, 1976. Section 902 of the Foreign Relations Authorization Act for Fiscal Years 1990 and 1991 deals with the suspension of nuclear trade and cooperation with China. This sanction was set on February 16, 1990 and may be lifted if the President determines that China is making political reforms that reduce oppression of the people of Tibet.

On June 5, 1989 President Bush suspended government-to-government and commercial arms sales to China. Also in June of nineteen eighty-nine President Bush directed the United States directors at the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank to seek postponement of new multilateral development bank loans to China. The Suspension of Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) and Trade and Development Agency (TDA) activities took place on February sixteenth nineteen-ninety.

Section 902 of the Foreign Relations Authorization Act for fiscal year 1990 and 1991 expressed suspension of first the granting of O. P. I. C. insurance, reinsurance, financing, or guarantees to China and second the obligating of T. D. A. funds for new projects in China. This sanction is not unlike many others placed against China, in that it may be lifted if the President of the United States determines that China is making political reforms in Tibet. In addition Section 902 of the Foreign Relations Authorization Act for Fiscal Years 1990 and 1991 talks about the prohibition of the export of items on the Munitions Control List, and of United States satellites.

This sanction placed in February of 1990 can be lifted if political conditions improve between China and Tibet. Another restriction placed on China by the United States on February 16, 1990 dealt with the prohibition of export licenses for crime control and detection equipment. This is among the long list of restriction placed against China in the fiscal year of 1990 in hopes to get China to change it political attitude towards Tibet. Again there is more mention of restriction against certain imports produced by prison labor.

The Customs Bureau has enforced Section 307 of the Tariff Act of 1930, which forbids imports made by forced of prison labor goods. Examples pf such forced labor are diesel engines manufactured by the Golden Horse Diesel Engine Factory, March twenty-third nineteen ninety-two; tea grown by the Red Star Tea Farm, July thirteenth nineteen ninety-two; sheepskin and leather processed by the Qinghai Hide and Garment Factory, July thirteenth nineteen ninety-two; and again iron pipe fittings manufactured by the Tianjin Malleable Iron Factory, April 29, 1996.

On May 28, 1984, restrictions on the importation of Chinese munitions and ammunition. In conjunction with the 1994 annual renewal of China’s most-favored-nation trade status, United States President Clinton prohibited the importing of arms and ammunition from the Peoples Republic of China. These are only some of the many economic restriction that have been placed against the People’s Republic of China. Talk about a very complex system of checks and balances, used to keep the economic practices of China under control.

In Conclusion, it should now be obvious that the issues around China’s most-favored-nation trade status are both very complex and multi-dimensional. I have mearly tried to provide the issues on both sides of the debate that surrounds the China’s most-favored-nation status. By giving stats and other figures that show just how this issue has the ability to effect the economies of both the United States and China.

Golden Age in Chinese history

1. The Sung dynasty was considered a Golden Age in Chinese history. During this dynasty, the economy expanded and China became the leading economic force in East Asia. As the center of agriculture moved to rice crops in southern China, a new strain of rice and new irrigation techniques allowed the Chinese to harvest two crops of rice a year. This surplus allowed more people to pursue the arts, learning and trade. Foreign trade increased with traders coming from far and wide to China.

The Chinese built new types of ships that were better and their goods were traded to distant lands. Among these fine goods were porcelain items, which the Chinese perfected and was said to be the worlds best. To encourage trade, China released printed money. Chinas cities prospered as centers of trade and grew in population.

2. Under the Tang and Sung dynasties, China was basically split into two classes: the gentry and the peasantry. The Gentry were wealthy land owners and government officials. They were better educated than they were at physical labor. Officials in China had to pass rigorous civil service examinations. The great thinkers of the Sung dynasty revived old Confucian tradition and thought. Peasantry lived in small self-sufficient villages. They farmed the fields and did it well with better tools and techniques.

Some peasant families supplemented their income by making handicrafts such as baskets and embroidery which they took to trade at nearby markets for things they needed, such as salt and tea. It was possible for a peasant to rise through his or her social class and become part of the gentry. If a smart young peasant studied and passes a civil service exam, he and his whole family would move up in society. Merchants were considered lowlier than the peasants under the Sung dynastys Confucian ideas because they made money off of other peoples work. The peasants and artisans made the goods while they only sold them.

3. Women, during the Sung dynasty, had more rights and equality than they did at later times. The wife and mother-in-law of a family ran the family affairs, managing finances, servants and discipline. However, boys were valued more than girls, and when a girl married, she was to become totally part of her husbands family and could never remarry. To reinforce womens subordinate position, their feet were bound from an early age, deforming them as they grew, until they were shaped into lily-like hoof feet.

Women who had these hoof-feet were considered noble and beautiful, and desirable as wives. They wore tiny shoes that would look too us today as baby shoes with high sides. In the view of the Chinese men of the time, these feet were sexual signals, much as men in our culture might view legs. These tiny disfigured feet made women unable to leave the house without assistance, reinforcing the Confucian belief then women were not meant to do outdoor work.

Golden Age in Chinese history

1. The Sung dynasty was considered a Golden Age in Chinese history. During this dynasty, the economy expanded and China became the leading economic force in East Asia. As the center of agriculture moved to rice crops in southern China, a new strain of rice and new irrigation techniques allowed the Chinese to harvest two crops of rice a year. This surplus allowed more people to pursue the arts, learning and trade.

Foreign trade increased with traders coming from far and wide to China. The Chinese built new types of ships that were better and their goods were traded to distant lands. Among these fine goods were porcelain items, which the Chinese perfected and was said to be the worlds best. To encourage trade, China released printed money. Chinas cities prospered as centers of trade and grew in population.

2. Under the Tang and Sung dynasties, China was basically split into two classes: the gentry and the peasantry. The Gentry were wealthy land owners and government officials. They were better educated than they were at physical labor. Officials in China had to pass rigorous civil service examinations. The great thinkers of the Sung dynasty revived old Confucian tradition and thought. Peasantry lived in small self-sufficient villages. They farmed the fields and did it well with better tools and techniques.

Some peasant families supplemented their income by making handicrafts such as baskets and embroidery which they took to trade at nearby markets for things they needed, such as salt and tea. It was possible for a peasant to rise through his or her social class and become part of the gentry. If a smart young peasant studied and passes a civil service exam, he and his whole family would move up in society. Merchants were considered lowlier than the peasants under the Sung dynastys Confucian ideas because they made money off of other peoples work. The peasants and artisans made the goods while they only sold them.

3. Women, during the Sung dynasty, had more rights and equality than they did at later times. The wife and mother-in-law of a family ran the family affairs, managing finances, servants and discipline. However, boys were valued more than girls, and when a girl married, she was to become totally part of her husbands family and could never remarry. To reinforce womens subordinate position, their feet were bound from an early age, deforming them as they grew, until they were shaped into lily-like hoof feet.

Women who had these hoof-feet were considered noble and beautiful, and desirable as wives. They wore tiny shoes that would look too us today as baby shoes with high sides. In the view of the Chinese men of the time, these feet were sexual signals, much as men in our culture might view legs. These tiny disfigured feet made women unable to leave the house without assistance, reinforcing the Confucian belief then women were not meant to do outdoor work.

Women In China During “The Long Eighteenth Century”

During the 18th Century women in China continued to be subordinated and subjected to men. Their status was maintained by laws, official policies, cultural traditions, as well as philosophical concepts. The Confucian ideology of “Thrice Following” identified to whom a women must show allegiance and loyalty as she progressed throughout her life-cycle: as a daughter she was to follow her father, as a wife she was to follow her husband, and as a widow she was to follow her sons.

Moreover, in the Confucian perception of the distinction between inner and outer, women were consigned to the inner domestic realm and excluded from the outer realm of examinations, politics and public life. For the most part, this ideology determined the reality of a woman’s live during China’s “long eighteenth century? ” This is especially true for upper class women. The philosophical idea of yin and yang is found throughout Chinese culture, literature, and social structure. The idea is that the world is made up two opposite types of energy which must be kept in balance with one another.

Neither is greater than the other, or more important than the other. In respect to gender, yin is female and yang is male. Yin is private life within the family and yang is public life outside the family. Men were to focus on public life and outside affairs and support the family while women were to focus on private life and support the men. For many men resisting the pressures of scholarly careers, women appeared as guardians of stability, order and purity. The woman’s quarters, secluded behind courtyards and doorways deep in the recesses of the house offered refuge from world of flux, chaos, and corruption.

Women nurtured and tutored men when they were young, tended them when they became sick, and cared for them when they grew old. When a man holding office faced devastating financial losses or difficult political decisions, only his wife’s disinterested advice and frugal savings could save his career. Although a man might often be called away to duty or might die prematurely, he could count on his wife or widow to care for his aging parents and his vulnerable children. (Mann 50) Ideally, women and men were to share in a partnership with the ultimate purpose f mutual support and prosperity for the family as a whole.

From a modern American point of view this seems terribly unfair. The men work and are empowered to interact with the world, then return home to be taken care of. But this is not necessarily the way it was perceived by the Chinese. There were plenty of unhappy women. However, there were also men who thought that the private (inner) life of the family was more desirable than the public life which they faced. For Hong Liangji and many leading social critics of the time, the “woman’s chambers” (guige) were a haven in a complex, brutal world.

Elite men faced a daily confrontation with material corruption (the “dusty world,” as they so often called it); elite women were protected from it. Instead, women occupied the still point around which men’s active lives were constructed. The image of the woman’s apartments as a timeless realm shielded from the cares and evils of the world, a retreat to which over stressed men might escape or retire, is a powerful trope in writings by men about women during the eighteenth century. (Mann 49) Studying and academic pursuits were an important aspect means of gaining power in the public world.

Women were not permitted to take the civil service examinations during the 18th century. However, women were not necessarily denied access to knowledge, to a large extent, they were educated. Many women were literate, and many women wrote poems and other literary works. Handwork, especially embroidery, was considered the more appropriate womanly activity, being productive and practical as well as aesthetically pleasing. In addition, upper-class women in Qing times, even more than their counterparts in the late Ming, read and wrote.

Most studied biographies f famous women, including long-suffering chaste widows and heroic martyrs who committed suicide to preserve their chastity. Elite women practiced the fine arts of painting, calligraphy, and music. They plucked classical stringed instruments. They wrote volumes of poetry. And in addition to learning the standard didactic texts for women, many studied the classics alongside their brothers. (Mann 58) As you can see, the focus of their education was dramatically different from their brothers. Women did study the classics in order to tutor their sons and brothers.

But the pressure was off since they were never expected to take the exams. Their focus was much more leisurely and pleasant, perhaps something to do to avoid the boredom of domestic life. Life was broken up into stages of development for both men and women in Chinese society. However, for men there were several different paths to follow (political, academic, commercial, religious, etc. ) For women there were few. A woman could become a wife, a concubine, or an entertainer, all of which were variations on the same responsibility: serving men.

For upper class women marriage was only path of life available. Daughters in upper-class households were reared for a single future: marriage into another line. There was no comfortable, legitimate place in an upper-class Chinese family for a daughter who had passed marriageable age. Not only was an unwed daughter a social anomaly; she was a ritual anomaly as well. Her tablet could not reside on her natal family’s ancestral altar when she died; it could be installed only in the ancestral shrine of another decent line, following betrothal and marriage. (Mann 54)

A legitimate woman was born into one family, but it was the family of her eventual husband in which she would spend the majority of her life. She made this shift when she was married. At this point her loyalty and allegiance shifted to her husband and his family. Initially this could be difficult since her new family were generally strangers to whom she was to care for and support. Married women themselves rarely complained, for girls were reared to understand that marriage was a lifelong commitment and that voicing grievances to parents would merely magnify the suffering born of an unhappy marriage. (Mann 62)

Nonetheless, respectable girls found ways to learn the arts of passion and to express their emotions. Hints about homosexual attraction among women, especially within the same family compound, suggest that it was not considered abnormal or unhealthy. Young girls might have an opportunity to observe married women within the same household (wives or concubines) who were sexually attracted to one another; in fact, a wife might select a concubine for her spouse with her own sensibilities in mind. (Mann 60) An upper-class married woman in High Qing Jiangnan could expect to bear children throughout her fertile years.

The risks and burdens of childbearing may have made the advent of a concubine a source of relief rather than jealousy or turned widowhood into a time of respite rather than loneliness. (Mann 62) Stories and biographies of faithful widows remind us time and again that the learned woman who survived her husband must not celebrate her longevity. She knew from her classical studies that she was the wei wang ren, “the person who had not yet died. ” Having survived her spouse, she was required to rear his sons and support his parents, but on no account could she revel in her passage to old age alone.

Ancient China Essay

China is located in East Asia. Ancient China is surrounded by Gobi Desert in the north, the Pacific Ocean in the east, the Himalayan Mountains in the southwest, and the Taklimakan desert in the west. This land has a wide variation of animals because of the different habitats provided for them. Most farming was done in the very fertile lands of the Yangtze valley. Present China is much bigger than Ancient China, which means that over time, the kings and different dynasties went gaining more and more land and wealth. All of the major rivers go in a western to eastern direction, and end up in the Pacific Ocean.

The two major rivers of China are the Yangtze and the Huan He. The major river of North China is the Huang He, or yellow river. This river left loess when the banks were flooded; desert winds brought this to this area. The Huang He also gained the name of “China’s Sorrow”, because in the past, it has destroyed large areas by flooding them. People used these rivers mostly for irrigation and transportation. The plant life In China is very varied. The natural forests are in the far-off mountain areas, where you can find are oak, ginkgo, pine, azalea, and camellia.

Also, a tree that would come to everyone’s mind as they think of China, is the bamboo. China is far away from any other civilizations at this time, so the people that lived there had to make their own goods, instead of trading things with other civilizations. Trade did exist, for example through the Silk Road, but not so many as in present day. Some of the species of animals in Ancient China were the paddlefish, some species of alligators and salamanders, water deer, giant pandas, apes, bears, leopards, wild horses, and birds of all types. Ancient China did have mineral resources.

The most common and used were tin and copper, to make bronze. Chinese worked very well with bronze. Also iron was very important. Jade was more precious than gold for the Chinese. China’s government was ruled by an emperor (king). The king had to do a very good job, and his people would have to like his work and effort, if not, they overthrew him and someone else came to rule. The mandate of heaven, or approval by the gods, was very important. For example, if the crops were good, and everything was moving along fine, it meant that the gods liked you.

But if there were floods and natural disasters, and if the crops were lost, then the people thought that that was because the gods were not pleased with the king, and then the king might lose the right to be king. China started having a government in the Shang dynasty. They ruled what would now be Henan, Hubei, Shandong and part of Anhui. The Shang were an aristocratic society, or a heredity ruling class. This dynasty was also the first to leave written records. The principal Shang city was Anyang, it was in a clearance deep inside the forest.

In 1027 BC, the Zhou overthrew the Shang and made their own dynasty. They were both very alike, and there was not much change in culture. But the Zhou brought up many fresh ideas, which would seem obvious because all people think in different ways, and have different solutions to their problems. As an excuse of overthrowing the Shang, they said that the last Shang king had done so badly, that the gods weren’t satisfied, so they decided to let the Zhou rule. This is a part of the mandate of heaven, which meant that the ruler had approval from the gods.

The Zhou dynasty also appointed lands to nobles and members of the king’s family, these nobles were granted land, but the land wasn’t theirs, because it all belonged to the king, this was called feudalism. These nobles had to provide protection to the people that lived there. The social pyramid in this government are the following. At the top was the king, ruler of all. He appointed nobles, to manage some land and territory. The nobles were very close to the king, or members of the royal family.

Below them, followed a literate priestly class, they were in charge of keeping records, mostly of the government, and to be a priest too. The three most important religious beliefs in China were Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. These people believed in many gods, making them polytheistic. Their gods were natural gods, river god, earth god, rain godThe most powerful was the sky god, T’ien, the king of all gods. Confucianism isn’t really a religion; it is just the thoughts of this man and his disciples, concerned with the principles of good conduct, practical knowledge, and proper social relationships.

Confucianism is a philosophy. Although he is a very important person in Chinese history, it still doesn’t make it a religion, because he was never a god. Confucius was born in 551BC, and died in 479 BC; he lived during the Zhou dynasty. His father was a noble, but he died when Confucius was only a few years old. He grew as a poor person. When he was a teenager, he became very interested in learning. In those days, only the high-class people like nobles and kings were allowed and education, so it was hard for him to get one.

So he went to work for a nobleman, and he learned much from him and he followed him everywhere, and that granted him a chance go to the capital. He studied a lot, he probably became the most intelligent and studied man at the time. He became known, and people sent their children to learn with him, and he was willing to teach anyone who wanted to learn. According to Confucius, Confucianism is not a religion, it is a way of behavior, so you will do the right things. Confucius never thought of himself as a god, but as a person who wanted to teach others.

But he didn’t just want to be a teacher; he wanted to change the Chinese society by advising people on how to govern wisely. Did you know that now, the Chinese celebrate Confucius Birthday (Teacher’s Day), in honor of him? Some of his wise thoughts: Do not do unto others, what you would not want others to do to you. If you make a mistake and do not correct it, this is called a mistake Taoism. Tao means the way to happiness. It is believed to be a way of looking at life. For example, if you look at things in a good, positive way, you will be much happier.

Taoism was started by Lao-Tse, born in 604BC and died in 531 BC. It started when he tried to find a way that would keep away from the steady feudal fighting and other problems that upsetted society. He wrote a book about his thoughts called Tao-Te-Ching. Taoism started as a blend of psychology,(smart solutions and thoughts, other ways and belief) and philosophy ( a basic theory concerning this subject)but grew into a religious belief in 440 CE, when it was accepted as a state religion. At that time Lao-Tse became recognized as a god.

In Taoism, people don’t pray as a Christian would. They look for answers by inner meditation, and outer observation. For them time is cyclical, or that it is repeated or rotated, not like we think, that time is linear, that you go and go in a straight line, and everything is different. The Yin, (dark side) is the part that made the earth, and the Yang, (light side) is the part that formed the heavens. They represent complete opposites, like good and evil, light and dark, and man and woman. The symbol of Taoism represents Yin and Yang in balance.

A meditation exercise or art is Tai Chi. They meditate and it stimulates the nervous system, reduces blood pressure, relieves stress and works muscles without straining them. Traditional Chinese medicine says that illness is caused lack of balance in the body’s “chi” (intrinsic energy, or built in-energy). Tai Chi is supposed to balance this energy flow. The third and last belief is Buddhism. Buddhism was founded by the Buddha, Siddhartha Gautama. He was native of Lumbini, which is now Nepal, in 563 BC.

When he was 29, he left his family and went to seek the truth. In these times it was normal for men to leave their families to live in austerity, or living in hardness, especially for religious reasons. Buddha means THE ENLIGHTENED ONE. In 535 BCE, he reached ultimate understanding and took the title Buddha (one who has awakened). I guess he finally did find what he was looking for and reached his goal. He did this through meditation, and the understanding and learning of his friends or colleagues.

Chinese Prostitutes In 1900s

In California, between 1850s to the Chinese Exclusion Act, most of the Chinese women who came to San Francisco were either slaves or indentured. They were often lured, kidnapped or purchased and forced to work as prostitutes at the brothels which is run by secret society of the Tongs of San Francisco. Chinese prostitutes also were smuggled and had worked at the Chinatown brothels in the Comstock Mines in Nevada. Chinese prostitutes were commonly known as prostitutes of the lowest order. Both outcast slatterns and Asian slaves stood at the edge of the irregular marketplace, far more socially stigmatized than ordinary prostitutes.

The demand for Chinese prostitutes in California was primarily due to the shortage of Chinese women and the prohibitions and taboo against sexual relations between Chinese men and White women. During the period of unrestricted Asian immigration from 1850 to 1882, more than 100,000 Chinese men but only 8,848 Chinese women entered the United States. The incredible sex ratio and the isolation of Chinese men from white communities generated nearly ideal demand conditions for prostitution, but white prostitutes rarely accepted Chinese customers.

The same merchants and members of protective associations who had arranged passages and jobs for male sojourners leaped into the breath, supplying Chinese prostitutes to their own immense profit. These secret Chinese Tongs based in San Francisco controlled Asian prostitution in San Francisco and in the mining towns such as Comstock, Nevada. The Hip Yee Tong, the secret society that reportedly started the prostitution trafficking in 1852. These organizations, the tongs, soon monopolized the control of viceprostitution, gambling and opium.

The Hip Yee Tong in 1852 was founded for the sole purpose of importing sing-song girls (prostitutes). The members enriched themselves at the expense of the girls and their customers. Chinese prostitutes were almost always imported as indentured servants or mui jai. The women were usually between the ages of 16 to 25. Mui jai were girls who had been sold into domestic service or labor by their poor parents. Their owners were expected to provide them with food and housing and to match them with husband when they become of age.

But some were sold by their masters in China for $70 to $150 and then resold in America for $350 to $1,000 or more. It was a wholesale and retail operation. Like the price of merchandise, the price of prostitutes fluctuated depending upon supply and demand. During the times of war and famine in Chines, when there was an increase in the sale of daughters, prices dropped. Prices rose in the United States whenever stringent laws were passed to suppress Chinese prostitution. An estimated 85 percent of the Chinese women in San Francisco were prostitutes in 1860, 71 percent in 1870, and 21 percent in 1880.

At the time of the Spanish-American war there were over 400 singsong girls in the Chinese Quarter. Yet they could not keep up with the city-wide demand for their services, much less fill the requirements of the State at large. The disreputable houses, together with gambling dens, constituted a firm economic base for the fighting tongs. Upon their arrival in San Francisco, these young Chinese women were taken to the barracoon, which were also known as the auction block or Queens Room, the barracoon was closed guarded room large enough to house fifty to one hundred women.

In the barracoon women, like livestock, were put on display for sale. They were stripped for inspection and sold to the highest bidder. They were forced to sign service contract, which only a few of them could read the terms, and thumbprinted. The contracts usually states that for the girl was indebted to her new master for passage from China, which cost about $500 to 700 in 1860-70s, she will serve as a prostitute for four to five years without wages.

The luckier girls were sold to well-to-do Chinese as concubines or mistresses or to the parlor houses to serve upper-class gentlemen. The lowest less-fortunate women were confined in cribs, rooms no larger than four-by-six feet, where they were forced to hawk their trade to poor laborers, teenage boys, sailors, and drunkards for as little as twenty-five to fifty cents. When hopelessly diseased, they were left alone to die in the hospital or were discarded in the streets. The trade was so lucrative along with gambling and opium. The tongs constantly fought for its control.

Sing-song girls were often kidnapped in broad daylight and hijacked from their cribs under the very noses of their masters, in order to be rushed inland to womenless agricultural or mining towns Chinatowns and work as prostitutes. The Tong members were often called Hatchet man because of the brutal things that they perform. The Hip Yee Tong was reportedly netted two hundred thousand dollars from the illegal traffic between 1852 and 1873. Violent tong wars in the 1870s and 1880s, sensationalized in the press, often began with disputes over possession of a Chines prostitute.

In 1875 two tongs went to battle after a Suey Sing Tong member was killed by a Kwong Dock Tong member over possession of Kum Ho, a prostitute. Ten men were killed in the street fight before the police intervened. In those days, there were no worse fate for a Chinese prostitute than to be banished to the mining camps, like the Comstock Mines in Nevada, where they led lives as harsh as they were short. In these isolated rural areas, conditions were even more worse and horrible than in urban brothels.

Living with their masters in the segregated Chinatowns that services miners, most prostitutes serve a racially mixed clientele of uncivil miners. They were called the prostitute of the lowest order. In these mining towns, separate Chinatowns sprang up because of racism and discriminatory city ordinance allowing any white citizens to petition to remove them. There were twenty Chinese prostitutes on the Comstock in 1880, while there had been seventy-five in 1875. The majority of prostitutes worked in public establishments in mining towns such as the Comstock.

Brothels were distinguished by both class and race, and the best Chinese brothels in San Francisco, and probably on the Comstock as well, catered only to Chinese, because Chinese men believed that the most degrading thing a Chinese woman could do was to have sexual intercourse with a white. High-Status Asian women often dressed in silks and jewels, as did other Chinese prostitutes who catered to whites with a taste for the exotic. By and large, however, Chinese prostitutes dressed in plain cotton and worked for fees ranging from twenty-five to fifty cents a customer.

In Comstock, Asian women were always segregated in Chinatown and none of them lived in brothels also housing whites. This segregation reflected the anti-Chines prejudice. In the system of stratification within prostitution Chinese prostitutes had lower status than any other group of women. A few Chinese immigrated to the Comstock as free-agent prostitutes or the concubines of rich Chinese, The majority were either indentured for about five years or were the lifetime slaves of brothel keepers with ties to the secret societies headquartered in San Francisco

The harsh life of a Chines prostitutes in the mining towns were commonly disrespected in the white communities there. The enslavement of Chinese women was common knowledge on the Lode, whites simply accepted. A newspaper even ran articles reporting the kidnapping of a prostitute urged readers to treat it lightly, noting that among the Chinese women stealing was comparable to horse stealing among Americans. It was a serious crime against someones property, but not a grave offense to someones person. For some prostitutes, suicide, madness or a violent death proved to be the only way out of misery.

One prostitute tried to run away from her owner and hide in the Nevada hills. By the time she was found, both her feet had frozen and had to be amputated, and in the end she courted death by refusing to take medicine or food. In another instance, a popular dance hall girl nicknamed The Yellow Doll by her admirers in Deadwood, South Dakota, was found chopped into pieces in 1876. In Virginia City, Nevada, six Chines prostitutes committed suicide to escape enslavement. Most prostitutes did not have the individual or collective means to resist their fate. Refusing to work only brought on beatings and other physical tortures.

Cases were reported of prostitutes attempting escape with the help of lovers, but only a few succeeded. Because of the high value placed on prostitutes, owners went to great expense to recover their property. Hiring highbinders to retrieve them and paying legal fees to file writs of habeas corpus or criminal charges against the women for grand larceny. Once the women were arrested, the owners would post the required bail, drop the charges, and repossess the women. During those times, not all prostitutes met these horrible fates, there were a few who escaped the confines of their enslavement.

China Annie was an exceptional case. A prostitute belonging to a member of the Yeong Wo Company in Idaho City, she escaped to Boise to marry her lover, Ah Guan. Her owner charged her with grand larceny for stealing herself, and after a four-week search, she was apprehended and taken to court. The judge, sympathetic to her cause, dismissed the case and allowed her to return to her husband. Another prostitute who won her freedom, Polly Bemis, survived the harsh frontier life to become a legendary figure in her community. Born lalu Nathoy in northern China in 1853, she grew up in poverty.

At an early age she was sold for two bags of seed to bandits, shipped to America as a slave, and auctioned off to a Chinese saloon keeper in an Idaho mining camp. She later married Charlie Bemis, who won her in a poker game, and the two homesteaded on twenty acres of land along the Salmon River. Twice she saved Charlies life, and many times she nursed neighbors back to health. She was so well respected that when she died in 1933, members of the Grangeville City Council served as her pallbearers and the creek running through her property was named Polly Creek in her honor.

A number of established institutions responded to the plight of Chinese prostitutes. For many years the Chinese Six Companies, the governing body in Chinatown, sought to have prostitutes and their procurers deported and worked with the authorities to eradicate the problem. American newspapers frequently ran stories about the evils of prostitution, but almost always in a sensation way, using headlines such as Story of Girl Shows Workings of a Chinese Ring, Confession of a Chinese Slave Dealer, Her Back Was Burnt With Irons, and Chinese Girl Flees to the Mission From Inhuman Owner.

Presbyterian missionaries also made in their crusade to rescue Chinese prostitutes. In 1874 the Womens Occidental Board established the Presbyterian Mission Home as a refuge for Chinese girls and young women in San Franciscos Chinatown. The home remained in operation until 1933 when the last major anti-prostitution trial took place. The directors, Maragaret Culbertson and Donaldina Cameron, successfully conducted numerous rescue raids with the help of the police, using the press coverage of the raid to turn public opinion against Chinese prostitution.

Between 1874 and 1908 approximately one thousand mistreated mui jai and prostitutes were rescued, housed and educated at the home. Some, unaccustomed to the restrictions and austerity of the home, ran away and returned to their former status. Others chose to return to China or stay and later married Chinese Christians. The story of Wong Ah So is typical of the lives of these rescued Chinese prostitutes. Born into a poor Catonese family, she was betrothed and married to a Chinese laundryman at 19 and taken to America. Even if I just peeled potatoes there, he told my mother I would earn lots of money.

Upon arrival in San Francisco, Wong Ah So discovered that her husband had lied to her and her mother and that she had been brought to America to work as a prostitute. Seven months later she met a friend of her fathers at a banquet. The friend recognized her and sought help from the Presbyterian Mission on her behalf. She was later rescued in Fresno, California, and placed in the home, where she recalled she started learning English and how to weave, and I am going to send money to my mother when I can. I cant help but cry, but it is going to be better Wong Ah Sos story end happily but most of the other prostitutes did not end quite so well.

Many of them were not as lucky as China Annie, and Polly Bemis. Most of them were diseased and were left on the streets to die. When no longer young and attractive, prostitutes were put to work in cribs or small cubicles. In 1870, Chines prostitutes were a major political concern for the new cities of the West. Chinese prostitutes were figures for a conduit of disease and social decay which was sensationalized in newspaper accounts, magazine articles, and official inquiries into the social hygiene of these women.

In California, these hygiene issues were the catalyst for the supporters of prohibition of Chinese immigration to the United States. The first act limiting Chinese immigration was the Page Act of 1870, which ostensibly prohibited Chinese, Japanese and Mongolian women from being brought to or entering the United States to engage in immoral or licentious activities. The Page Act, on the presumption of bad character and immoral purpose, required all Chinese women who wished to come to the United States to submit to lengthy and humiliating interrogations of their character prior to being issued a visa in China.

The Page Act effectively closed off the immigration of Chinese wives of immigrants already in the United States. But it did little to stop the illegal trade in women which was protected by corrupt officials on both sides of the Pacific. The perception of Chiense prostitution as a widespread threat to the nations moral and physical well-being was greatly exaggerated. At the peak of Chinese prostitution in the late 1870s, it was reported that some 900 Chinese women in San Francisco worked as prostitutes.

The number of Chinese women who worked as prostitutes other than on the West Coast, however, was quite small. Although New York’ Chinatown gained notoriety for prostitution, opium, and gamling, it was reported that only three of the prostitutes in the quarter were Chinese, while the overwhelming number of prostitutes who worked there were white. Nevertheless, the image of the Chinese prostitute as a source of pollution was considered a matter of urgent concern. Chinese prostitutes were said to constitute a particular threat to the physical and moral development of young white boys.

In San Francisco, a Public Health Committee investigated conditions in Chinatown in 1870 professed shock that boys as young as ten could afford and did regularly use the services of the lowest level of Chinese prostitutes. In a popular environment in which theories of national culture were freely combined with theories of germs and social hygiene, it was asserted by some public health authorities that Chinese prostitutes were the racially special carriers of more virulent and deadly strains of venereal disease. The general tended to ignore the realty and focus on the sensational accounts that fueled the perception of a social crisis.

Human Rights in China

The name People’s Republic of China seems a contradiction of its meaning. If indeed its name is the People’s Republic of China than why did it massacre peaceful protestors with tanks and machine guns? But the Chinese government argues that the force was necessary for maintaining a national order (Muzhi Zhu). The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is actually an authoritarian state in which the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the main source of power.

At the national and regional levels, party members hold almost all the top government, police, and military positions. The country’s authority rests with members of the Politburo (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999). CCP stresses that it needs to maintain stability and social order. The Government’s poor human rights record in 1999 shows the extent at which the Government intensified efforts to suppress its 1. 27 billion people.

A crackdown against a newly formed opposition party, which began in the fall of 1998, broadened and intensified during the year. By the end of 1998, almost all of the key leaders of the China Democracy Party (CDP) were serving long prison terms or were in custody without any formal charges, and only a handful of members nationwide dared to remain active publicly (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999). Tens of thousands of members of the Falun Gong spiritual movement were arrested after the movement was banned in July.

Thereafter, several leaders of the movement were sentenced to long prison terms in late December, and hundreds of others were sentenced to reeducation through labor. Late in the year, according to some reports, the government started confining some Falun Gong adherents to psychiatric hospitals (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999). The government continued to commit widespread and well-documented human rights abuses in violation of internationally accepted terms.

These abuses stemmed from the government’s extremely limited tolerance of public unrest. The Constitution and laws provide for fundamental human rights however, these rights are often ignored in practice. Abuses included instances of extra-judicial killings, torture and mistreatment of prisoners, forced confessions, arbitrary arrest and detention, lengthy incommunicado detention, and denial of due process(Amnesty International. “China, violations of human rights). Prison conditions at most facilities remained very harsh.

In many cases, especially in sensitive political cases, the judicial system denied criminal defendants basic legal safeguards and due process of the law, merely because authorities attached higher priorities to maintaining public order and suppressing political opposition than to enforcing the legal norms of the country (Amnesty International. “China, violations of human rights). The government infringed on citizens’ privacy rights. The government tightened restrictions on freedom of speech and freedom of the press.

They also increased controls on the internet, which caused self-censorship by journalists. They severely restricted freedom of assembly, and continued to restrict freedom of association. They continued to restrict freedom of religion, and intensified its controls on unregistered churches (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999). The Government also continued to restrict freedom of movement, meaning they do not permit independent domestic nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in order to monitor public human rights conditions.

Discrimination and violence against women, including coercive family planning practices, which sometimes include forced abortion and forced sterilization is a major problem, as well as prostitution, trafficking of women and children, abuse of children, and discrimination against the disabled and minorities (Amnesty International. “China, no one is safe”). The Government continued to restrict tightly worker rights, and forced labor in prisons.

Particularly serious human rights abuses persisted in some minority areas, especially in Tibet and Xinjiang, where restrictions on religion and other basic freedoms have increased over time (Amnesty International. “China, no one is safe”) But in 1996 China released a report that claimed. “China’s national economy maintained steady, rapid and sound growth, the efforts to build up democracy and a legal system were notably strengthened, and the human rights conditions maintained a good momentum of continuous improvement and promised further progress”(Muzhi Zhu).

The Chinese government also goes on to list that there has been a decrease in the population of poverty-stricken Chinese, increased levels of local democracy, and a “severe crackdown” on crime. They also say that increases in the protection of the rights of workers, and the rise in education levels have increased the quality of human rights in the country (Muzhi Zhu). If indeed the countries authority rests with the Politburo, then it can easily release and make up these statistics.

Actually, according to a release by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, in February 25, 2000, manipulation of the press by the government for political purposes increased during the year of 1999. After authorities moved at the end of 1998 to close a number of newspapers and fire several editors, a more cautious atmosphere developed. As part of its crackdown against the popular Falun Gong spiritual movement, the government has also employed every element of the state-controlled media to conduct a nationwide anti-Falun Gong propaganda (Amnesty International.

China, violations of human rights). The press however, has still continued to report on cases of corruption and abuse of power by some local officials. Actually, it is also estimated that several thousand, are detained in violation of international human rights instruments for peacefully expressing their political, religious, or social views (Amnesty International. “China, violations of human rights). Another current problem is torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment. The law in China prohibits torture.

However, police and other members of the security have employed torture and degrading treatment in dealing with detainees and prisoners (Amnesty International. “China, violations of human rights). Former detainees and the press reported credibly that officials have used electric shocks, prolonged periods of solitary confinement, incommunicado detention, beatings, shackles, and other forms of abuse against detained men and women (Amnesty International. “China, violations of human rights).

Prominent dissident Liu Nianchun, who was released in December 1998, reported that guards used an electric stun gun on him (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999). Persons detained pending trial were particularly at risk during pretrial detention, due to weaknesses in the legal system or lack of the implementation of the revised Criminal Procedure Law. In February a domestic publication reported that an engineer in Liaoning province, who was suspected of theft, suffered brain damage as a result of hours of beatings while in police custody.

The police eventually determined that the engineer was innocent and released her. She later sued the local government. Chinese reporters who attended her trial said that there were efforts in court to intimidate them. (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999). However, the Chinese Government has also stated, “the Chinese judiciary deals with every complaint of torture promptly after it is filed, and those found guilty are punished according to law” (Muzhi Zhu).

For the first time in 1998, as part of its campaign to address police abuse, the government published national torture statistics, along with 99 case studies, in a volume entitled “The Law Against Extorting a Confession by Torture. ” The book, which was published by the Supreme People’s Procuratorate, stated that 126 people died during police interrogation in 1993 and 115 died in 1994. Incidentally, most cases of torture are believed to go unreported (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999).

Perhaps one of the most shocking things in the Chinese human rights debate deals with the corruption within the court system. Official government statistics report that there are some 230,000 persons in reeducation-through-labor camps, sentenced to up to 3 years through administrative procedures, and not by a trial (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999). The Chinese Constitution states that the courts shall, in accordance with the law, exercise judicial power independently (Muzhi Zhu).

However, this has not been the case because the judiciary is subject to policy guidance from both the government and the Communist Party. It has been found that at both the central and local levels, the government and the CCP frequently interfere in the findings of the judicial system and take a hand in deciding court decisions (Amnesty International. “China, violations of human rights). Another problem is that judges are appointed by the people’s congress at the corresponding level of the judicial structure, which can lead to an undue influence by local politicians over the judges they appoint(Amnesty International.

China, violations of human rights). During a May 1998 conference at a Beijing university, one expert estimated that more than 70 percent of commercial cases in the lower courts were decided according to the wishes of local officials rather than by the law. ( Amnesty International. “China, violations of human rights) State-run media published numerous articles calling for an end to such “local protectionism” and demanded the development of a judiciary that is independent of interference by officials.

Amnesty International. “China, violations of human rights) Another violation of the Human rights code consists of the right to privacy. Government interference in daily personal and family life continues to decline for the average citizen (Amnesty International. “China, no one is safe”). In some urban areas, most people still depend on government-linked work units for housing, permission to have a child, approval to apply for a passport, and other aspects of ordinary life.

Despite legal protections, authorities often do not respect the privacy of citizens (Amnesty International. “China, no one is safe”). Although the law requires warrants before law enforcement officials can search premises, this provision has frequently been ignored. However, the Public Security Bureau and the procuratorate can issue search warrants on their own authority (Amnesty International. “China, no one is safe”). The Constitution states, “freedom and privacy of correspondence of citizens are protected by law”( Muzhi Zhu).

However, in practice, authorities often monitor telephone conversations, electronic mail, and internet-communications of foreign visitors, businessmen, diplomats, and journalists, as well as activists, and others. The security services routinely monitor and enter the residences and offices of foreigners to gain access to their computers, telephones, and fax machines (Amnesty International. “China, violations of human rights). Authorities also open and censor domestic and international mail.

Han Chunsheng, a Voice of America (VOA) listener who allegedly sent over 20 letters criticizing of the Government to a VOA mailbox, remains in prison on an 8-year sentence for counterrevolutionary incitement and propaganda (Amnesty International. “China, violations of human rights). Government security even monitors and sometimes restricts contact between foreigners and citizens (Amnesty International. “China, violations of human rights).

Further problem of the Chinese Human rights debates addresses the fact that it is often dangerous and ill advised for protestors to peaceably assemble and protest the government. The Constitution provides for freedom of peaceful assembly. However, the government severely restricts this right in practice (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999). The Constitution stipulates that such activities may not challenge, so to speak “party leadership”, or infringe upon the “interests of the State”(China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999).

Protests against the political system or national leaders are prohibited. Authorities deny permits and quickly move to suppress demonstrations involving expression of negative political views (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999). At times police used force against demonstrators. In January the Western Press reported that one protester was killed and more than 100 others injured when police dispersed some 3,000 villagers in the province of Hunan, who were protesting corrupt government and high taxes (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999).

Last March in the city of Suining, in Sichuan province, police reportedly beat demonstrators in an attempt to disperse a three-day protest by machinery factory workers over unpaid benefits (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999). In April two groups of CDP members in Hangzhou attempted to lay wreaths for victims of the Tiananmen massacre in two different parks. Police reportedly dispersed one group, and arrested three participants. The other group was able to hold its vigil (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999).

In October a violent protest reportedly broke out in Panzhihua, in Sichuan province, after police refused to help a robbery victim who subsequently was knifed by his attackers. Many of those protesting were injured in clashes with the police; 10 people were reportedly arrested (China Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1999). In late October, police in Ganzi, an autonomous region in western Sichuan, reportedly clashed with up to 3,000 ethnic Tibetans who were protesting the arrest of 3 monks.

One of the monks arrested was the respected Buddhist teacher Sonam Phuntsok, from the nearby Dargye Monastery. The police reportedly fired upon the crowd, injuring some protestors. It is unknown whether any persons were killed, but up to 80 ethnic Tibetans reportedly were detained in connection with the incident (Amnesty International. “China, no one is safe”). To help combat human rights violations Chinese leaders have appealed to western powers to impose sanctions on the Chinese. Some legislators include the prohibition of high Chinese government officials to come to the United States.

Trade restrictions on certain goods, and less money to be given as foreign aid to China are a probable solution. According to Chinese Wei Jingsheng, China is at a critical juncture where its leaders really need economic support from the United States. “This is the moment when America should be adding more pressure, asking them to change more, to reform more” (Wei Jingsheng). Also the Chinese leaders are not so amenable to reason as they are to pressure, and the United States has tremendous influence on China’s policies.

There has however been some good news; one overseas human rights group reported in January that there has been some 9,000 cases of mishandling of justice discovered in 1998 and that 1,200 police officers had been charged with criminal offenses (Muzhi Zhu). It is also said that authorities will continue a nationwide crackdown on police corruption and abuses. Government statistics released in March showed that in 1998 corruption prosecutions were up 10 percent, to over 40,000 investigations and 26,000 indictments of officials ((Muzhi Zhu).

In January there were reports that Public Security Bureau Deputy Minister, Li Jizhou, was detained for corruption. Several other high-ranking party officials also were prosecuted on corruption charges during the year. Also late in the year, National People’s Congress Standing Committee Chairman, Li Peng issued a warning on police corruption (Jingsheng Wei). All though these are small steps they are steps in the right direction to help bring to an end the atrocities committed by Chinese officials.

And the Chinese people can look up to the words of Wei Jingsheng. “Some say that after the student protests of 1989 and the massacre at Tiananmen Square in 1989, democracy and freedom in China died. I do not believe this to be so, and only have some patience and you will see what happens in a generation or two; wait and witness the backbone people can show when they are fighting for their freedom. As Czechoslovakia democrat Tomas G. Masaryk said in totalitarian Central Europe nearly 50 years: “Dictators always look good until the last minutes. “

The Red Guards

In the summer of 1966 there was a new effort on the part of the head leaders in China to further control the actions and thoughts of the people in China. The Red Guards were the force to do it all. A group of kids who mostly in their teens and some in college were put into this gang. This so-called military force was called the Red Guards. Groups of these Red Guards traveled from the large cities all the way to empty country sides. They held huge demonstrations at every stop. Their main goal was to eliminate as many as possible of the customs and traditional thoughts of he old China.

They participated in Long Marches and other activities. The man they looked up to most was a person by the name of Mao. They carried huge portraits of him and also carried banners and flags. Many people in the group beat on gongs and drums. Some observers said it looked more like a circus then a political demonstration. They did a lot of things that many thought were outrageous. At one point they raced widely through Peking denouncing anyone who was in a business. They even made a demand to change the meaning of the colors in a stop light.

According to the Red Guards, that because the color of communism is red, that you should go on red and stop on green. When the Red Guards added students from another school or workers from another factory they decorated the entrance with purple paper, lanterns and a red cloth covered with flowers. People who did not agree with Mao Tse-tung and his teachings were often dragged through the streets and forced to wear dunce caps. The main reason of course was to humiliate. This group in time became more destructive. Even some of China’s highest leaders were taken.

The Red Guards demonstrations asted through fall, and winter of 1966 and well into 1967. The Red Guards highly looked up to Mao they thought of him as a father who shared the same views. Chairman Mao greatly influenced many of their decisions. They stormed on to railroad trains to spread their ideas coast to coast. Many people thought of them as a disorderly young army. Most of their efforts were devoted to wholesale destruction of reputation and careers. One of their best weapons were political posters which were about many high political figures.

Political people were not the only ones to be embarrassed, professors and ngineers were also humiliated by the young group. Many young people agreed with the Red Guards and their point of views. They felt that schools and universities were being run to produce a small group of highly educated people. Then those people would go ahead to become leaders. They would soon consider they were better than the workers and peasents and it would be like they were under the emperors once again. The Red Guards did not care about anything that they destructed. In Peking, Red Guards attacked and burnt down the Brittish Embassy.

In 1967 a mob f the guards stormed the Foreign Ministry. They destroyed some achives, carried away others, and even attempted to kidnap the Foreign Minister but they were unsuccessful. No one in China could accuratly tell you an explanation on of why they organizied. Some people think they were inspired because the wanted to become communist leaders after Mao’s death and take over government. Some say their main reason was to make certain politicians get a bad name and have them removed from their postions. Which would make it easier for them to rule in China in Mao’s name.

China’s One-Child Policy

In our society, the United States, children are seen potentially as the as the future. Whether they are male or female, they have the power to be something when they grow up. But if their life is cut short, the opportunity to do so is taken away. In 1976, China implemented what is known as the “One-Child Policy” in order to try and solve their problem of overpopulation (McDonald, 1996). Although the policy may seem as though it is a good idea in solving the problem, the consequences of this policy has lead to female infanticide.

Throughout centuries, China has been battling with overpopulation, one of the biggest issues that the nation has been faced with, forcing the government to enforce the one-child policy. The desire to control the rapidly growing population dates back to the Mao Zedong era where the population number was at a ripe 602 million people (Stycos, 1989). He believed that with every mouth comes “two hands”. What he did not realize at the time was that too many mouths bring hardship, poverty, and paucity of food supplies.

In 1979, the Chinese government decided to enforce a policy that would help minimize the growth of their population (McDonald, 1996). The one-child policy was what they thought would solve the problem. Married couples would have to sign an agreement known as the one-child certificate. This certificate served as a contract between the couple and the Chinese Government stating that the couples and the one child that they have will be granted economic and educational advantages in return for promising not to have more than one child (Audubon, 1994).

Since each couple is allowed one child, the gender of that child determines whether or not it stays in China as part of the family. Since the beginning of time, females were always seen as being inferior to males in any society. The females’ ultimate duties were to have and take of the children, the household duties and be the servant to their husband while the males worked and took care of the family in terms of financial status.

In China, the males are the ones that the majority of the couples chose because they are the ones who not only carry on the family name, but also are most likely the ones who are able to provide support for their parents in their old age (Li &Choe, 1997). In China, when a female is born, especially first, there are many different choices the couple must make. First of all, are they willing to keep the child since it is the only one they can legally keep? If the couple decides that the child they want is a male, they must decide on what to do with this child.

What happens to the child ranges from giving them up to state orphanages to murder. Due to the enforcement of the one-child policy, many female children end up in orphanages (Beijing Review, 1997). Being put into an orphanage in our society would give the child a chance to live and maybe even be adopted by another family. In China, the conditions in the orphanages are so filthy that the neglect that they would have at home if the couple decided to keep the female would be better than the maltreatment they would receive.

Many female children end up in orphanages in China rarely having males occupy them unless there was something wrong with the child. Each month 90 percent from 50 to 60 baby girls arrive in one of the many orphanages and end their lives their (Choe, 1995). The children sit on bamboo benches with their hands and feet tied to the armrests and legs of the chair. Below them are buckets that are placed under the holes in the seats to catch their excretions. When it is time for bed, the children are taken out of the seats and tied to their beds (Geographical Magazine, 1996).

This is the treatment that that the children face everyday and the Chinese do not see a problem with such harsh behavior. If anything of this sort occurred in the United States, the people would see to it that those who are involved get punished for such unimaginable behavior. Another way in which female children are gotten rid of is for the family to get rid of it or family planning officials will see to it that they are gotten rid of. Many times, when a female child is born, the hospital would not even record it because it should not exist (Woods, 1995).

If they take the child home, they must keep her a secret because if family planning officials find out, they will take her. Others may choose to abandon the child to starve and die. Or they might send her to a special room where the child is forgotten all about – to die. In one instance, family planning officials found out that someone was going to have a baby girl and they ordered that she be injected with saline. The child was born alive and the family planning officials ordered the husband to kill the child and he refused.

When they arrived at home, more family planning officials were there to take the baby. They took the baby and drowned it at a near by paddy (McDonald, 1996). Such cruel acts are being looked away at, all to simply try and control the population growth in China. These acts in the United States will lead a person to be sentenced with the death penalty. There is no excuse in killing innocent children. Instead, China should inform their population of birth control methods.

Although such behavior is seen in our society as cruel, China and its citizens see the policy as a benefit not only to themselves, but to everyone else. Since China is already overpopulated, this method (although not a very good method) will help to control the number of people in China, which is the main purpose of the policy. By keeping up with the policy in keeping the numbers down in China, they are keeping the economy in good condition. If the policy was ignored, the rise in population would result in the downfall of the economy and bring famine to the population (Choe, 1995).

By having one child benefits the child in the sense that the parents are able to concentrate on them. They try to ensure that the child grow sup healthy with the best care. By keeping down the numbers in China, there would be more employment. For those couples who signed the one-child policy certificate, the government provides them with interest free loans, cheaper fertilizer, and retirement funds (Beijing Review, 1997). All entities that would be nice to have are provided to them in order to follow the policy.

Gender and who is born first is major issue to families in China who are trying to keep up with the one-child policy. One child per family has had a good effect on the population although the means of following the policy is unimaginable behavior. The values that they have in their culture differ so much from the United States. Such behavior would lead to harsh punishment. There has not been a policy that controls the amount of children we have yet, but too many people in the United States may ultimately lead to such a policy.

Chinese art During the Early Empire

In this essay, I will look at the outpouring of thought, art and literature during the early empire. More so though, I will focus on what factors led to this renewed focus on culture in the early empire. It would seem that there were several factor which would lead to this renewed interest in culture in early China, but the most significant of these factors would be the re-establishment of a strong central government. This re-establishment of a strong central government laid the foundation for cultural growth. It brought with it prosperity to China, through improved infrastructure, such as the canals and graineries.

As a result of these improvements, China flourished both economically, militarily and of course culturally. We first must look at some of the history of the centralization of China, which occurred, then was destroyed and then once more established. First by the Han Dynasty, then latter by the Sui and the T’ang In 202 B. C the Han dynasty began and brought with it more contemporary thought and inovations in culture and helped china progress as a nation. This was the beginning of a glorious time and the Chinese people still refer to them selves as Han.

The Han dynasty rivaled even Rome. They were however conqured by nomadic barbarians around 220AD and this threw China into its dark ages where nomadic uncetralized rule and Buddism ruled. In 589 AD China was reunited by the Sui and began to bring back the culture that was china. By 618 though the Sui resources were exahusted from reuniting china and they were replaced by the T’ang dynastry which brought china to new peaks of organizational stability , ecomonic and milllitary strenght, and cultural spendor. The first of the three great dynasty’s of the Early Empire were the Han.

The Han were some what ruthless in their assention to the throne, but believed in ruling to serve the people. The Han lessened the severity of punishments established by the Ch’in, but they did grant heridity to certain powerful allies in the east to help centralize china as the Ch’in had. The country flourished, and taxes were cut and graniers were once again overflowing so as to hedge against famines which can frequent China. There was an out pouring of culture and the country did well and the government had massive cash reserves.

One of the greatest emperors in chinese history was a Han named Wu-ti, he was young assertive and made China proper greatly. Wu-ti cut back on the lords and merchants powers, and made reforms. He was aggressive in his foreign policy and this was to build power for the eminant show down with the Hsiung-nu nomads of the north and west boarders. He conqured vast areas of Asia and set up a tributary system where the local rules remained in power under him, while providing gifts to the emperor.

Under Wu-ti China saw a great cultural flowering and produced China’s greatest historian Ssu-man Ch’ien the most estemmed Han poet Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju and the most infulential Han philosopher Tung Chung-shu. Confucian ideals were re-adopted , schools were formed for teaching of Confucian ways, and it was the beginning of the civil service exams. With the end of Wu-ti, the dynasty began to decline and he was succeded by a number of inferior Han rulers, who were often seen as crule.

It would seem that the Han’s heavenly madate expired and the death of Wu-ti was the beginning of the end of the Han, as china was plagued by natural disaster, landlord and aristocratic rule. The Han dynasty offically ended in 220 ad and the country was once again divided throwing china into their dark ages. China was separated into north and south and the county as a whole weakend. Barbarian invasion was rampant, and the Han capitols were destroyed by the Hsiung-nu The Sui were to finnally reunite China led by Yang Chien in 589 AD.

The Sui reunited north and south China, rebuilt infrastructure. The Sui were very ambitous in the rebulding of the infrastructer of China such as the great wall, cannals and graineries. They were also very millitarily active and made many conquests. This disrupted domestic economics and they were seen as oppressive and resented by the people. This gave way to the T’ang Dynasty in 618 AD. Under the T’ang, China combined properity cultural grandeur, aristocatic sophistocation military power and supremacy in foreign relations to achieve an age of greatness unapproached since the Han.

They owed much of their prosperity to the maturing institutions that had been developed by the Sui. They began the civil service exams again and peoples merit was based on knowledge and education. They helped to minimize ecomonic inequalities by using the equal fields system of land tenture. All arable land was owned by the state and allocated equally on a per capita basis for lifetime tenture and collected taxes, as well as requisitioned labour servives in accordance with head counts. They combined new and old elements of China.

T’ang T’ai-tsung was considered the real founder of the T’ang dynasty and is revered as on of the most heroic emperors in Chinese history. He managed to consolidate all of China by 624, and all opposition was disposed of. While T’ai-tsung was revered for his millitary exploits, he is estemmed for his consientious capable and benevolent role as civil administrator. He promoted eductation, welcomed advice, chose able ministers and delegated authority wisely (hucker 141) he was tolerant to philosophical matters and religon.

His policies and government were based on confucian principals, but he enjoyed the concept of Taoism and buddhism, and even alowed for a christian missonary to build a church. Other T’ang emperors that followed, were very contientious in administration. Capitol punishment was abolished, the beauracracy was tailored, court extravaganves were cut back and foreign policy was pursed with vigor. Cultural gorwth was encouraged in all forms and the Hanlin Academy at court was set up to encourage and teach talented scholars and litterateurs.

Music and dance institute were set up to teach theatrical performers for palace entertainment. Under T’ang rule the court was splendid and some of the greatest cultural geniuses of the chinese tradition came about, such as the poets Li Po and Tu Fu as well as some of the most notable paiters Wu Tao-tzu and Wang Wei. (hucker 143) Hoever the T’ang would not rule for ever and their dynasty soon came to decline. Presure from invading arabs and turks . The T’ang stability began to fade around 760 and from there it was more in decline. Once again the Landlords began to regain control and social mobility declined.

As central government weakend, early T’ang restraints on explotive landlordism, private commerce, and social mobility withered away; and gradually the social and political eminence of the old aristocratic class, the mainstay of early T’ang stability, was underminded by irreversible waves of social change. By the end of the eighth century, trends were developing that would bring about a vastly altered way of life in post T’ang age. (hucker 146) The T’ang Dynasty would eventually fall in 914 giving way to a period of instability know as the five dynasties era.

With the unification of the Chinese state, first under the Han, and then next primarily under the T’ang, political and social concerns that preoccuoied early Confucian and Legalist thinkers gave way to new forms of thinking and new areas of concentration. With political stability now achieved, intellectuals could focus their energy on administrative routines, politics and institution building. Metaphysical and cosmological thinking, which had seemed rather capricious aberration in pre-Ch’in times now surged into the mainstream of China’s intellectual history.

Thinkers began to contemplate larger questions of the universe and mans place in it. Taoism was given new birth, and Buddhism began to capture the Chinese imagination. In the arts and litterature, the most renowned achievements of China’s early imperial age were in historiography, poetry and Buddhist inspired statuary and paintings (Hucker 221). China developed well orgainzed and detailed accounts in history to which no other society can match over such a long period of time. Poetry became the persuit and passion of most educated Chinese.

Much of the poetry of the time was a reflection of inovations in music and the performing arts, as well as other changes that were ongoing in China’s cultural development. Cultural changes were reflected in paintings and other forms of art such as pottery. Chinese culture was to be of the envy of much of the surrounding areas, and was emulated by Korea, Vietnam, and Japan. Of all of these cultural inovations poetry was the most prevalent, as it was persude by most educated Chinese, and it reflected the feelings of the day, that of simplicity, often influenced by renewed study of Taoism.

One particual poem that I came across in my reading was titled “Resolutions on Walking with a Hangover on a Spring Morning” The world is like a great empty dream Why should one toil away all one’s life? That is why I spend my days drinking, Sprawled in a doze beside the front door. Awaking, I blink at the courtyard before me. A bird is singing among the flowers. “May I inquire, what season is this? ” It’s an oriole warbling in the springtime breeze! I am almost moved to sighs and sobs, But I pour for myself another drink. Lustily singing, I await the bright moon, And by the end of the song I’ve forgotten my cares.

This poem seems to indicate the carefree nature that many Chinese poets and thinker were able to take during these times. It also seems to reflect a renewed interest in Taoism and nature. The Early Empire, was indeed a time of great cultural growth in China. Philosophers were able to contimplate much more than just how the society should be run, but they were able to explore deeper areas of the human race and what their purpose was in the cosmos. This ability to be able to sit back and reflect upon nature the cosmos, and society, was a result of the stability of China.

The Han and T’ang Dynasties brought with them strong central government that focused on carring for the people and restructuring of the beauraeaucatic system through advancement by achievement, not heiridity. This upward mobility gave anyone from any class the chance to progress in Chinese society, and thus the great thinkers, poets and artisans came not only from the small aristocratic population, but rather from the entire vast population of China. This allowed the Chinese culture to grow in all areas, so that they even rivaled great civilizations such as Rome.

An Essay Answering Questions From the Assigned Text by Faure

This essay will attempt to answer questions coming from the Bernard Faure text assigned in class. The questions are as follows: How does Hu Shih’s approach to Chan differ from D. T. Suzuki’s? Why was the scholarship of the Japanese on Zen not objective? What does Faure mean by the teleological fallacy? What does he mean by the two alternative approaches he suggests: structural analysis and hermeneutics? How does Hu Shih’s approach to Chan differ form D. T. Suzuki’s?

To answer this we must first recognize that Hu Shih emphasizes the historicism of Chan, meaning he places great importance on the historical aspect, while Suzuki aligns himself with the metaphysics aspect. Suzuki states that there are two kinds of people who can talk about Zen: The first(Suzuki), which is one who has a firm grasp on the concepts and greatly understands Zen, the other(Hu Shih), someone who is utterly unable to grab the concepts. Suzuki states that Hu Shih may know Zen historically, but that he does not actually know Zen. Suzuki says about Hu Shih that “it is not a historians business not talk about Zen.

Hu argues that a historic approach to Zen cannot be reduced to the circumstances of its emergence and how it “transmits its situation of departure into a means to understand itself and others. ‘” Since Hu Shih is from the academic world, his approach to Zen is more factual, while Suziki, coming from a Buddhist institution, relies more on the teachings of Zen and what some see as a certain mysticism around it. Hu Shih sees Chan as a result of Chinese culture, politics, and philosophy, while Suzuki believes it to have just rejected the deviations found in Mahayana while keeping its cardinal truth.

Both Hu Shih and Suzuki feel that Chan is a “practical” Chinese way of thinking. Why was the scholarship of the Japanese on Zen not objective? The Japanese scholars approach Zen as intellectual history. They refused to judge the materials they study. Nietzchse says they are like “eunuchs in the harem of history,” meaning they have no desire for history itself, like the eunuchs of Rome, castrated men hired to guard harems. But in there defense, pure objectivity is very close to impossible, these scholars are greatly influenced by their own culture, which in turn, is greatly influenced by Zen.

Faure points out that the scholars do not critically evaluate the ideological content of what they are studying (i. e. Dunhuang manuscripts), instead they just search for an undisputable truth that will no doubt make them the authority on the subject. In doing this, they position themselves as right and get lost and become subjective of what they are studying rather than the objective. What does Faure mean by the teleological fallacy? The definition of teleological fallacy is an erroneous view that does not relate to the design or purpose of Zen.

Faure points out that the teleological fallacy he discusses is the “propensity to read the past in terms of the present, to read early Chan as having its finality in modern Japanese Zen. Faure is referring to historicist scholars’ tendency to forget that the present from which they look back into the past constructs an unquestioned end from which none can escape. This means that scholars view is too narrow, becoming “objectivists” and imagining an “original text” from which all Zen comes from.

In reality, there is no such text because every text is regulated by hermeneutical tradition, therefore proving Faure’s teleological fallacy. What does he mean by the two alternative approaches he suggests: structural analysis and hermeneutics? Faure states that there is a two alternative approach: structural and hermeneutic. He gives an example of incomplete skeletons completed with bones from other skeletons. Analyzing which parts of Zen are the “incomplete skeleton” and which parts are the “add-in bones” is basically what the structural approach to Zen is.

Another example is given, this time using characters from Zen texts and stories. When analyzing the characters, one must observe the following; name, position compared to others in the story, the character of the character, and the functions and actions of the character. You must study all of these together and separate, for if one part is transposed, then the whole may be transposed. Thus, in this example, structural analysis is the study of underlying structure that regulates the transitions of actual biographies.

The hermeneutic approach is a bit different; it is the study of the methodological principles of interpretation of texts. It comes from the “will to take seriously the truth claims of tradition and the literary or philosophical nature of Chan texts. ” The hermeneutic approach is often dialogical, meaning that the message of Chan/Zen is found in the dialogue between two characters in a text or between the text and the reader. A combination of both, structural and hermeneutic, is needed when assessing Chan texts, teachings and history.

China’s Economic Growth Due to Recent Foreign Policies

Recent Chinese economic policies have shot the country into the world economy at full speed. As testimony of this, China’s gross domestic product has risen to seventh in the world, and its economy is growing at over nine percent per year (econ-gen 1). Starting in 1979, the Chinese have implemented numerous economic and political tactics to open the Chinese marketplace to the rest of the world. Just a few areas China’s government is addressing are agricultural technology, the medical market, and infrastructures, like telecommunications, transportation and the construction industry.

Chinese reform measures even anticipated the rush of foreign investment by opening newly expanded industries to out-of-country investors. Effects of this sudden change in economic strategy by a world power can be felt by practically every nation of the globe involved in international trade. The change in the amount of imports and exports to and from China will increase the demand on countless markets, from automobile, to petrochemical, to pharmaceuticals, and optical fiber. Also, with all the foreign investment China is receiving, the socialistic republic will only grow ore and more interdependent upon the world economy.

However, the impressive growth rate of China’s economy is not without its shortcomings. Problems such as inflation and inefficient state-owned enterprises plague the rise of the Chinese economy. The main goal for China’s modern foreign policies is the development of the Chinese infrastructure. The significance of improved communication and transportation cannot be over-stressed. Economically, enhanced means of communication and transportation allows more expedient supply and demand scheduling.

Two of the latest Chinese reform measures to aid in the development of the country are the Provisional Regulations on Direction Guide to Foreign Investment and the Catalogue Guiding Foreign investment in China. Both these policies place specific industries including telecommunications, machinery, and electronics on top priority. Funding for these projects come from foreign investments and appropriations from the Chinese government in the form of grant financing, and legislative or administrative support.

Yet another example of the Chinese emphasis on industrial based growth s the far-reaching goal of having just under 100 million telecommunication lines by the year 2000. China’s Central Ministry of Posts and Communication said that in order to complete this major task China will enlist the aid of major overseas suppliers and create manufacturing plants within the nation. AT&T, Motorola, Northern Telecom, Alcatel, Erricsson, NEC, and Siemens are just a handful of the multinational companies which hold a considerable share of the Chinese telecom market, once again proving that China is becoming a party to global interdependence.

The Chinese pharmaceutical market, much like Chinese industrial markets, is experiencing rapid growth due to reforms in China’s economic strategy. The nation’s government has decided to lower import tariffs and remove the necessity of an import license to bring pharmaceuticals into the country. Also, patented foreign drugs, such as Tylenol, are now being protected from counterfeiting by administrative action.

The result of these provisions are overseas contractual investments totaling $1. billion in the past five years, and income from the medical industry’s exports reaching 2. times the amount five years ago, according to Zheng Xiaoyu, director of the State Pharmaceutical Administration (scitech/med 1). The pharmaceutical market’s growth is another example of the economic progress China has made. Even after accounting for all the economic benefits recognized by the world, the Chinese still come out as the country with the most gains. However, there are more motives behind China’s market reforms than just purely economic.

On the political front, China is fast becoming an integral part of international organizations. The Chinese government is making a conscious effort to reenter GATT (the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade), realizing the importance of creating a favorable trading status among foreign nations. Slowing this progress, the 124 nation strong trade bloc has requested that numerous conditions must be met by China before the nation can become a member of GATT once again.

Several of these provisions are the “elimination of import prohibitions, restrictive licensing requirements and other controls or restrictions; lifting of all restrictions on access to foreign exchange and full convertibility of the Chinese currency” (china-tr. 2). Other important key hemes behind China’s Open-Door policies are “economic and technological cooperation with the West” (china-tr 1) and that China’s government no longer supports Third World revolution. Instead, China realizes that cooperation with developing countries would be far more practical.

Although Chinese foreign policy is aimed at opening the nation’s entire economy to the world, it neglects the agricultural market almost entirely, with the exception of technical contracts. These contracts are designed to improve the transfer of technologies to improve crop yields. “Technical contracts are ade between farmers and village economic cooperatives and a wide variety of offices and technical personnel from different administrative levels” (int12 1). The funding for the technology used by the agricultural industry can be traced to extension stations of political parties, finance bureaus, or local insurance company.

Since the groups funding technical contracts are nothing more than investors, a portion of the profits from increased production due to the technological advancements are returned to these groups. However, the technology providers also bear the risk of investors, “if output and economic eturns can’t reach prescribed figures, the extension administrations have to make up the losses” (intl2 2). Like all good things, China’s formidable economic growth has its downsides. A few of these detriments are inflation, an under-aided agricultural market, government inefficiency, and geographically uneven development.

High inflation, caused by a demand for more exchange medium on the Chinese market is causing Chinese currency to depreciate relative to other national currencies. A lack of emphasis on the agricultural market is causing that sector of the Chinese economy to fall behind, and soon the supply of agricultural products will fall below the demand for these goods, resulting in a sortage. Another problem is the inefficiency of large, state-owned production facilities can be explained by excess bureaucratic red tape and corruption.

Finally, there has been an uneven distribution of development between the land-locked, western section of China and the industrialized east-coast, consequently causing ineffective land use. China has quickly become a world leader in trade and will only increase in importance to the global economy. These facts are proven with China’s urrent economic statistics –growing at over nine percent per year– and economists’ projections of the nation’s future –China will double its gross domestic product of the year 2000 in the year 2010.

The way the Chinese government achieved these impressive economic figures are through a thorough renovation of Chinese trade policies. Reform measures in the country range from reduced trade barriers and technical contracts for agriculture, to infrastructure investment policies and improved standards for pharmaceutical products. However, stemming from China’s economic growth are dilemmas such as nflation and uneven development of the country.

On a planetary scale, the effects of China’s Open-Door policies are best described through a visual representation like the attached graphs. These graphs represent the supply of Chinese goods and services and demand for Chinese products by other countries. As Chinese policies are placed in effect the supply curve shifts to the right because of improved quality standards and higher production capabilities. Open-Door policies also indirectly increase the demand for Chinese goods and services due increased Chinese competitiveness on foreign markets.

The Red Guards

In the summer of 1966 there was a new effort on the part of the head leaders in China to further control the actions and thoughts of the people in China. The Red Guards were the force to do it all. A group of kids who mostly in their teens and some in college were put into this gang. This so-called military force was called the Red Guards. Groups of these Red Guards traveled from the large cities all the way to empty country sides. They held huge demonstrations at every stop. Their main goal was to eliminate as many as possible of the customs and traditional thoughts of he old China.

They participated in Long Marches and other activities. The man they looked up to most was a person by the name of Mao. They carried huge portraits of him and also carried banners and flags. Many people in the group beat on gongs and drums. Some observers said it looked more like a circus then a political demonstration. They did a lot of things that many thought were outrageous. At one point they raced widely through Peking denouncing anyone who was in a business. They even made a demand to change the meaning of the colors in a stop light.

According to the Red Guards, that because the color of communism is red, that you should go on red and stop on green. When the Red Guards added students from another school or workers from another factory they decorated the entrance with purple paper, lanterns and a red cloth covered with flowers. People who did not agree with Mao Tse-tung and his teachings were often dragged through the streets and forced to wear dunce caps. The main reason of course was to humiliate. This group in time became more destructive. Even some of China’s highest leaders were taken.

The Red Guards demonstrations asted through fall, and winter of 1966 and well into 1967. The Red Guards highly looked up to Mao they thought of him as a father who shared the same views. Chairman Mao greatly influenced many of their decisions. They stormed on to railroad trains to spread their ideas coast to coast. Many people thought of them as a disorderly young army. Most of their efforts were devoted to wholesale destruction of reputation and careers. One of their best weapons were political posters which were about many high political figures.

Political people were not the only ones to be embarrassed, professors and ngineers were also humiliated by the young group. Many young people agreed with the Red Guards and their point of views. They felt that schools and universities were being run to produce a small group of highly educated people. Then those people would go ahead to become leaders. They would soon consider they were better than the workers and peasents and it would be like they were under the emperors once again. The Red Guards did not care about anything that they destructed. In Peking, Red Guards attacked and burnt down the Brittish Embassy.

In 1967 a mob f the guards stormed the Foreign Ministry. They destroyed some achives, carried away others, and even attempted to kidnap the Foreign Minister but they were unsuccessful. No one in China could accuratly tell you an explanation on of why they organizied. Some people think they were inspired because the wanted to become communist leaders after Mao’s death and take over government. Some say their main reason was to make certain politicians get a bad name and have them removed from their postions. Which would make it easier for them to rule in China in Mao’s name.

The Chinese Culture

This report is about the myths and beliefs of the Chinese culture. It’s about the stories the Chinese created to explain the world around them, and generally how they perceived their surrounding environment. This report deals with ancient myths and the people who believed them, and what the current believes of these people are. The Southwest Creation Story The Southwest creation story is a myth which explains why people are different. The myth begins by saying that there were people on earth who were all alike, meaning there weren’t people who were black, white, oriental, etc..

It states that the humans on earth all generally were the same. There were also gods who lived above the clouds in the heavens. And there was a huge heavenly ladder which started on a mountain and reached all the way up to heaven’s door. It goes on to tell a story of a man who had two children. One was a girl and the other was a boy. They lived in a house which had a huge very thick roof. The man had built the roof so thick because it rained almost every day. He hated the rain. He knew it had its benefits but too much of it ruined his crops, destroyed his livestock and every time it rained the roof of the house was destroyed.

And every time the man rebuilt it, he made it thicker and thicker. He blamed all his misfortune on the Duke of Thunder. The Duke of Thunder was one of the gods who lived in the heavens. He was the god of rain and thunder. The man dispised the Duke very much and had a pure hatred of him. Every time it rained the Duke would descend from the heavens and stand on a hilltop. There he would watch with pure delight as the rains and thunder came down harder and harder. Finally the man had had enough. One day he took his axe and waited on the hilltop for the Duke to arrive.

When the rains came so did the Duke, and the man slashed him in the back. The Duke was hurt but not killed because he was a god. The man caged him and brought him home. He put him in a corner and warned the kids not to go near him. And to especially not give him water. The next morning was a beautiful sunny one, but the Duke looked horrible almost as if he was dehydrating. The man told the children he had to go to the market and said again not to go near the Duke no matter what he does and don’t give him water. After the man left the Duke started moaning.

He begged the children to give him some water but they refused following their father’s orders. The Duke pretended he was dead with his mouth hung open and he had his lips very dry. The girl was worried, she thought he was dying so she gave him one drop of water. The Duke instantly jumped back up and tore apart the cage. The children were terrified. He came over to them and promised them that they will be rewarded for their deed. He gave them a small egg and told them to plant it in the ground and then he left. When the man came back he was shocked by what had happened.

He knew the Duke would be very angry and would punish him. So he didn’t waste any time and started to build a ship. After a month’s time the ship was finished. It was built out of the strongest material known to him. Meanwhile the egg the children planted had grown to a size of about two small people. Then one day what the man had anticipated came. Huge torrential downpours of rain started and there were tremendous floods. The man jumped into the ship he built, in his panic he had forgotten about the children. They had ran into the egg which had become soft.

The floods were so great that the man in his ship reached all the way to the door of the heavens. He banged the doors and yelled let me in! The gods didn’t want mortals in the heavens, so the Duke was ordered to recede the floods. He took the floods back so fast that the man ell back to the earth and was crushed by his ship. The children in the soft egg bounced back to the ground safely. When they came out, they saw everything was destroyed. They were the only ones left. They lived happily for a while and after some time they had a child.

Because they were brother and sister the child was deformed and died a short time later. The two kids chopped up the baby into tiny pieces and put him in a bag, and they started climbing up the heavenly ladder. The bag ripped before they could reach to the top and all the pieces fell back to earth. They fell all over the continents, and from them the new eople developed. They were different in appearance from each other depending on where they lived. This myth explains why there are people who look so much different from each other.

This myth suggests that man was more responsible for the creation of the new humans than the gods. Because of the actions of the man the people were created. The Heritage of a King This is a myth about fate. In this myth a man named Zoa chi who is a king tries to find out his fate. Zoa was a survivor. When he was little his parents were assassinated. An attempt at his life was also made but his older brother protected him. The murderer was his uncle who betrayed his father and overthrew his power. He stayed in exile with his brother until he was older.

Over the years his hatred of his uncle had made Zoa a very stern man. He had wowed to get his revenge. He became a great fighter and started a group of followers who also were against the king. Then finally the day he had been waiting for had arrived. With his small army he overpowered the kings army. Growing up on the streets had made Zoa a great strategy leader, so he was able to defeat the huge overconfident king’s army. He killed the king and took over the throne. Years went by and he himself became overconfident and selfish. He created a fantasy image of himself as a great man.

He thought that nothing on this planet could defeat him. As time went by he became just like his uncle. Absolute power had corrupted him. Then one day he declared to all his subjects that he was a god and expected to be worshipped. This was too much for the people, they rebelled but Zoa crushed all their resistance. One of his advisors told Zoa that he knew a magician who could greatly help him in keeping down further rebellions. He said that this man could see the future and help him stop protesters before they could organise nd challenged him.

The king immediately called the man to his castle. The man’s name was Hou. He told the king that there will be a man who will kill him soon. And that man would be a close relative of his. The king knew exactly whom Hou was talking about. Zoa’s son Zhuan was almost the age where he could become king if something happened to his father. Immediately Zoa ordered Zhuan to be imprisoned. He said this was another example of how clever he was, he said he saw the future and beat fate’s destiny. He even said that he was better than any other god the people believed in.

When he went to see Zhuan his older brother went with him. Zhuan pleaded with Zoa and said he would never even think of killing his own father. But Zoa didn’t believe him. He sentenced Zhuan to death. But before Zhuan could be killed older Zoa’s brother beheaded him when he facing his son. Zoa was killed by his own brother who was ashamed of what his younger sibling had become. What the magician didn’t tell Zoa was which close relative would kill him. Zoa who had become overconfident wasn’t as great as he thought he was. And he was too arrogant to not know that the gods should not be challenged.

This myth tells that becoming overconfident will eventually hurt you and that no one could beat their destiny. The Chinese in this story believed in the gods, they were very religious people and this myth tells that the gods should not be challenged. Both of these myths were written a long time ago and I don’t think that the people today still believe in these myths as strongly as the people who wrote them did. I think it’s like Halloween in our culture. We still practice the custom as the ancient people did but we don’t have as much as a strong believe in ghosts and goblins as our ancestors did.

Women In China During “The Long Eighteenth Century”

During the 18th Century women in China continued to be subordinated and subjected to men. Their status was maintained by laws, official policies, cultural traditions, as well as philosophical concepts. The Confucian ideology of “Thrice Following” identified to whom a women must show allegiance and loyalty as she progressed throughout her life-cycle: as a daughter she was to follow her father, as a wife she was to follow her husband, and as a widow she was to follow her sons.

Moreover, in the Confucian perception of the distinction between inner and outer, women were consigned to the inner domestic realm and excluded from the outer realm of examinations, politics and public life. For the most part, this ideology determined the reality of a woman’s live during China’s “long eighteenth century? ” This is especially true for upper class women. The philosophical idea of yin and yang is found throughout Chinese culture, literature, and social structure. The idea is that the world is made up two opposite types of energy which must be kept in balance with one another.

Neither is greater than the other, or more important than the other. In respect to gender, yin is female and yang is male. Yin is private life within the family and yang is public life outside the family. Men were to focus on public life and outside affairs and support the family while women were to focus on private life and support the men. For many men resisting the pressures of scholarly careers, women appeared as guardians of stability, order and purity. The woman’s quarters, secluded behind courtyards and doorways deep in the recesses of the house offered refuge from world of flux, chaos, and corruption.

Women nurtured and tutored men when they were young, tended them when they became sick, and cared for them when they grew old. When a man holding office faced devastating financial losses or difficult political decisions, only his wife’s disinterested advice and frugal savings could save his career. Although a man might often be called away to duty or might die prematurely, he could count on his wife or widow to care for his aging parents and his vulnerable children. (Mann 50) Ideally, women and men were to share in a partnership with the ultimate purpose f mutual support and prosperity for the family as a whole.

From a modern American point of view this seems terribly unfair. The men work and are empowered to interact with the world, then return home to be taken care of. But this is not necessarily the way it was perceived by the Chinese. There were plenty of unhappy women. However, there were also men who thought that the private (inner) life of the family was more desirable than the public life which they faced. For Hong Liangji and many leading social critics of the time, the “woman’s chambers” (guige) were a haven in a complex, brutal world.

Elite men faced a daily confrontation with material corruption (the “dusty world,” as they so often called it); elite women were protected from it. Instead, women occupied the still point around which men’s active lives were constructed. The image of the woman’s apartments as a timeless realm shielded from the cares and evils of the world, a retreat to which over stressed men might escape or retire, is a powerful trope in writings by men about women during the eighteenth century. (Mann 49) Studying and academic pursuits were an important aspect means of gaining power in the public world.

Women were not permitted to take the civil service examinations during the 18th century. However, women were not necessarily denied access to knowledge, to a large extent, they were educated. Many women were literate, and many women wrote poems and other literary works. Handwork, especially embroidery, was considered the more appropriate womanly activity, being productive and practical as well as aesthetically pleasing. In addition, upper-class women in Qing times, even more than their counterparts in the late Ming, read and wrote.

Most studied biographies f famous women, including long-suffering chaste widows and heroic martyrs who committed suicide to preserve their chastity. Elite women practiced the fine arts of painting, calligraphy, and music. They plucked classical stringed instruments. They wrote volumes of poetry. And in addition to learning the standard didactic texts for women, many studied the classics alongside their brothers. (Mann 58) As you can see, the focus of their education was dramatically different from their brothers. Women did study the classics in order to tutor their sons and brothers.

But the pressure was off since they were never expected to take the exams. Their focus was much more leisurely and pleasant, perhaps something to do to avoid the boredom of domestic life. Life was broken up into stages of development for both men and women in Chinese society. However, for men there were several different paths to follow (political, academic, commercial, religious, etc. ) For women there were few. A woman could become a wife, a concubine, or an entertainer, all of which were variations on the same responsibility: serving men.

For upper class women marriage was only path of life available. Daughters in upper-class households were reared for a single future: marriage into another line. There was no comfortable, legitimate place in an upper-class Chinese family for a daughter who had passed marriageable age. Not only was an unwed daughter a social anomaly; she was a ritual anomaly as well. Her tablet could not reside on her natal family’s ancestral altar when she died; it could be installed only in the ancestral shrine of another decent line, following betrothal and marriage. (Mann 54)

A legitimate woman was born into one family, but it was the family of her eventual husband in which she would spend the majority of her life. She made this shift when she was married. At this point her loyalty and allegiance shifted to her husband and his family. Initially this could be difficult since her new family were generally strangers to whom she was to care for and support. Married women themselves rarely complained, for girls were reared to understand that marriage was a lifelong commitment and that voicing grievances to parents would merely magnify the suffering born of an unhappy marriage. (Mann 62)

Nonetheless, respectable girls found ways to learn the arts of passion and to express their emotions. Hints about homosexual attraction among women, especially within the same family compound, suggest that it was not considered abnormal or unhealthy. Young girls might have an opportunity to observe married women within the same household (wives or concubines) who were sexually attracted to one another; in fact, a wife might select a concubine for her spouse with her own sensibilities in mind. (Mann 60) An upper-class married woman in High Qing Jiangnan could expect to bear children throughout her fertile years.

The risks and burdens of childbearing may have made the advent of a concubine a source of relief rather than jealousy or turned widowhood into a time of respite rather than loneliness. (Mann 62) Stories and biographies of faithful widows remind us time and again that the learned woman who survived her husband must not celebrate her longevity. She knew from her classical studies that she was the wei wang ren, “the person who had not yet died. ” Having survived her spouse, she was required to rear his sons and support his parents, but on no account could she revel in her passage to old age alone.

Communism in an Economically Developing China

The future of communism in China is unknown, as the world economy becomes more international. Communism has been in China since 1949 and is still present in the countrys activities. Presently China is undergoing incredible economic growth and promises to be a dominant power early in the next century. Chinas social tradition has come under heavy pressure from forces of modernization generated in a large part by the sustained contact with the West that began in the middle of the nineteenth century.

The Western incursion, not only refined China militarily but brought in its course new ideas- nationalism, science and technology, and innovations in politics, philosophy, and art. Chinese leaders have sought to preserve the nations cultural uniqueness by promoting specifically Chinese blends of tradition and modernity. China has undergone several major political transformations from a feudal-like system in early historical times, to a centralized bureaucratic empire that lasted through many unpredictable changes till 1911, to a republic with a communist form of government in the mainland since 1949.

Economic geography and population pressure help account for the traditionally controlling role of the state in China. The constant indispensability for state interference, whether for great public works programs or simply to keep such a large society together, brought up an authoritarian political system. The family prevailed as the fundamental social, economic, and religious unit. Interdependence was very prominent in family relations while generation, age, sex and immediacy of kinship strictly governed relations within the family.

Family rather than nation usually created the greatest allegiances with the result that nationalism as known to the West came late to the Chinese. In principle, the elite in the authoritarian political system achieved their positions through merit rather than birth or wealth. There was an examination system that provided a vehicle for recruiting talented citizens to serve the emperor, which was a valuable and unusual institution in a society characterized by personal connections. Democracy, individualism, and private property were kept carefully in check.

Central state authority, however, rarely penetrated to the local level. Chinese leaders invented bureaucracy to keep the country unified and mastered the art of keeping government small. The Chinese search for a modern state began in the nineteenth century when two major sources of disorder overwhelmed the imperial institutions: domestic disintegration and foreign invasion. Between the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Chinese population had doubled and redoubled. The problem of the population explosion created tremendous pressure on the limited farmland to provide sufficient food supply.

For economic, religious, of ethnic reasons, peasant uprisings began to erupt. Moreover, beginning with the Opium War of 1832-1842, the imperial army suffered a series of defeats at the hands of the industrial powers of the West. The image of a shattering imperial dynasty directed rebellion and dissolution within China, exemplified by the Taiping Rebellion of 1851-1864 that nearly toppled the Qing dynasty. (Zheng, Party vs. State in Post-1949 China, 30) The reform measures in the first decade of this century were aimed at replacing dynastic rule with a new form of government.

Among the most significant changes was the abolition of the civil service exam in 1905, which virtually cut off the connections among the emperor, the ruling ideology, and the official gentry. This time the imperial rulers hoped to save themselves by experimenting with some new institutional adaptations. A revolution was menacing; students who had returned from abroad came with ideas harmful to the imperial rule. Following the overthrow of the imperial regime in the Revolution of 1922, central authority dissipated and the country was divided among regional warlords.

Reunification, begun by the Nationalist government under the Kuomintang (KMT); was interrupted by the Japanese invasion in the 1930s. The unparalleled institutional crisis hastened the Chinese search for alternative means of reorganizing China. Since the last dynasty, Qing, collapsed construction of a modern Chinese state had been the goal shared by many Chinese modernizers. For them, this magnificent goal meant that China could one-day stand in the world community on an equal footing with other member states.

While the first two decades of this century may have saw China in Chaos, this time period also produced a free intellectual environment. (Qtd. Imfeld, China as a Model of Development, 10) A country in an emptiness of state power was ambiguously full of new ideas and new experiments. Chinese scholars disputed almost every Western Concept that was known to them. Some preferred a parliamentary system, whereas others favored a presidential system. Some supported a restored monarchy, and others sought a constitutional system of the American type.

Within a decade or two, China in search of a modern state had experienced a remarkable shift of focus from monarchy to presidency, to parliament, and to a revolutionary party. The two largest parties in modern Chinese history were formed between the first two decades of this century. The Chinese Nationalist Party, or the Kuomintang (KMT), was formed in 1912 as a coalition of five factions within the alliance that overthrew the Qing dynasty. Led by Mao Zedong, the Chinese communist Party (CCP) came into existence nearly a decade later.

The ideas of Karl Marx and Lenin began to appeal to the well-educated Chinese because their Russian Revolution has just occurred in 1917. The CCP wished to modernize the economy, destroy old loyalties to the family and locality, mobilize mass political participation and establish new commitments to the party and nation. The Chinese parties became involved when the newly installed constitutional framework was falling apart. Western-style parliamentary systems disintegrated and the political parties had to find a way to establish government again.

The CCP and the KMT disputed the issue till October 1949. In Tiananmen Square on October 1949, Mao Zedong proclaimed the Peoples Republic of Chinas (PRC) establishment. The CCP using a Marxist-Leninist system of government took control of the economy and dominated major institutions including schools, labor unions and peasant associations. China nationalized all capital-goods industries and pursued a policy of rapid, state-directed industrialization with the special emphasis on the development of steel and defense related industries.

Agriculture underwent major social and technical changes with a land-reform program that redistributed all large landholdings to the peasants by 1952. Lai, Grolier, 2-3) The railroad network developed further into Western and Northwestern China, giving more access to all. Striking economic and social advances occurred in many areas, but there were also disastrous food shortages and starvation, as well as bloody violence. War still occurred between the KMT and the CCP. Each struggled for power. Other anti- Communist groups were also engaged in all types of sabotage activities against the new regime.

Soon the Korean War breaks out and Mao Zedong commits himself to supporting Kim II Sung. The whole country is mobilized and joins the war against the United States. Now the PRC is left with many challenges mainly reconstructing the economy, consolidating the revolution, and fighting two wars at home and in Korea. The country assumed military control. In November 1952, the military operations ended and the political and economic situations were stabilized. The Communist Party resumed more active control and invited high-ranking military officers to administrative committees.

The revolutionary party carried out Chinas political and economic programs through mass mobilization. Townsend, Political Parties in Communist China, 25) The PRC had developed a program to reorganize and modernize a peasant army now operating in a new environment. This military modernization program includes streamlining a ground force; establishing a navy, air force, and technical services; upgrading weapons and equipment; setting up military academics; promoting education and military training; formulating military regulations, rules and ranks.

These steps were taken to regulate their army, the Peoples Liberation Army (PLA), as they returned from Korea. When Mao died in September 1976 (Zheng, Party vs. State in Post-1949 China, 161) his revolutionary ideas died with him. At the next National Peoples Congress meeting, the nation was called to achieve four modernizations in agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. (Metzler, Divided Dynamism, 161. ) The modernization program gained momentum after Deng Xiaoping managed to return to power.

The Congress decided to change its priority of the Party from political campaigns to economic development. Leaders devoted tremendous attention to reestablishing a legal system. Laws and regulations were needed to regulate many new types of economic activities and relationships resulting from market reform and privatization. Local economy in China became more diversified due to regional developmental strategy and integration with the international market, provincial legislatures were also strengthened.

Although Deng Xiaoping had once inspired many people in China when he called for economic modernization and legal development, he often disappointed his supporters more than often than his opponents. Dens support for establishing a legal system was not unqualified. After he suppressed the Democracy Wall movement in March1979, Deng laid down the four cardinal principles, namely, upholding the socialist road, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the leadership of the Communist Party, and Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, thus setting the ultimate limits on legal developments in China.

Beginning with the initiation of economic reforms in 1978, efforts have been made to correct the structural imbalance this policy produced. Abundant coal, petroleum, and natural-gas reserves aid Chinas economic development. Industrial machinery, chemicals, manufactured goods, steel, and textile yarn are the chief imports. Textiles, garments, telecommunications, and recording equipment are the leading exports. Under rural reforms introduced in 1979, the land was contracted to individual peasant households, giving the peasants more freedom to choose crops they grew and to sell any output exceeding assigned levels on the open market.

The reforms led to dramatic gains in agricultural production and the emergence of millions of specialized households producing cash crops and engaging in nonagricultural activities. Party leadership was reshuffled in June 1989 after two months of large-scale pro-democracy demonstrations. Hu Yaobang, who was party chairman since 1981, resigned in 1987 after student protests and accusations from Deng that he didnt mind student, protests. In April 1989, news came that Hu had died from a heart attack.

Largely intellectuals and students lost all hope for the democracy movement, because they desired for Hu to come back to power, since while he was in office he had a leniency towards student movements. Saddened by Hus death and angered by Dengs decision not to remove the accusations made against Hu, students, intellectuals, and city residents poured into Tiananmen Square to mourn the death. This had gone on for months until June 3-4. The efforts to seek a peaceful means to the crisis through the national legislature were aborted by gunfire. )

Fully equipped PLA went on a rampage in Tiananmen Square and killed hundreds of innocent civilians. Zheng, 165-166) Fundamental human rights rovided for in Chinas 1982 constitution has been ignored in practice especially when citizens challenged the CCPs political authority. This event is an example of the severe restriction of freedom of association, religion, speech, and press. In 1979, the United States established relations with the Peoples Republic of China and transferred diplomatic recognition from Taipei to Beijing. A 1979 Joint Communiqu reflected this change, and Beijing agreed that the American people would continue to carry on commercial, cultural, and other unofficial contacts with the people of Taiwan.

Taiwan was separated from China, but the United States accepted the One China policy that acknowledges that Chinese on both sides of Taiwan maintains that there is one China and that Taiwan is a part of China. The 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, and a Third Joint Communiqu signed in 1982, further defined the United States-China relationship as well as unofficial U. S. relations with the people of Taiwan. Following the Peoples Republic of China governments suppression of the democracy movement at Tiananmen Square, the United States and other nations imposed a number of sanctions against China.

Some of the Tiananmen sanctions still remain in place. The Trade Act of 1974 requires an annual review of Chinas emigration record for China to keep its most favored nation trading status. This annual review remains in effect and since 1990, has been the focus of efforts in both the executive and legislative branches to assess an overall relationship with China including Chinas performance on human rights issues. In May 1993, President Clinton signed an Executive Order tying renewal of Chinas most favored nation status in 1994 to progress in several human rights areas.

Although China did not achieve overall significant progress in certain areas identified in the Executive Order, the President decided to renew Chinas most favored nation status in 1994. He noted that China met the two mandatory requirements of immigration and prison labor. The United States has continually pressed China on the core human rights issues. (Mining Co. COM, U. S. -China Relations) In economics and trade, there are two main elements to the United States approach to China. The United States seeks to fully integrate China into the global system.

Chinas participation in the global economy will provide for the process of economic reform and increase Chinas venture in the stability and prosperity of the locale. The United States also seeks to expand U. S. exporters and investors access to the Chinese market. China wants to become a part of the World Trade Organization. In order to gain entry all prospective World Trade Organization members are required to conform to certain fundamental trading disciplines and offer significantly expanded market access to other member of the organization.

Seeing Chinas entrance to the World Trade Organization will contribute to Chinas economic reformation and help the United States and other World Trade Organization members economies grow and will help the worlds most populated country. The United States economic relationship with Hong Kong is closely tied to United States-China relations. Under the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, Hong Kong will become a Special Administrative Region of the Peoples Republic of China. United States concerns over this transition include economic and investment issues.

The United States has substantial economic and social ties with Hong Kong, with an estimated $8 billion to $10 billion invested there. There are 900,000 U. S. firms and 30,000 American residents in Hong Kong. The United States is Hong Kongs second largest market, importing $10. 2 billion in 1995, and Hong Kong is Americas 14th largest trading partner, $14. 2 billion in United States exports in 1995. (Qtd. Mining Co. COM, U. S. -China Relations. ) China today has also become more decentralized that it used to be.

If economic modernization continues to be the top priority for the recent regime, we are going to see more deviating interests between the center and localities, and among miscellaneous regions. It is likely that China will move further toward a federalist solution to the countrys chronic problems of oscillation between central control and local sovereignty. A political or even military crackdown on defiant regions is not unattainable, but it can be orchestrated only at expense of economic thriving, this leading to more regional conflicts and social tensions.

Chinas fast changing economy and society also demand similar state institution. After more than four decades of Communist Party rule, China today is still confronted with the century old problem of how to build a modern Chinese state. The Chinese leaders and people have yet to meet the most serious challenge of the 20th century. Failure to reorganize China in changing domestic and international environment will almost certainly lead toward disastrous consequences for China.

The Life of Mao Zedong

Dressed in the drab military uniform that symbolized the revolutionary government of Communist China, Mao Zedong’s body still looked powerful, like an giant rock in a gushing river. An enormous red flag draped his coffin, like a red sail unfurled on a Chinese junk, illustrating the dualism of traditional China and the present Communist China that typified Mao. 1 A river of people flowed past while he lay in state during the second week of September 1976.

Workers, peasants, soldiers and students, united in grief; brought together by Mao, the helmsman of modern China. He had assembled a revolutionary government using traditional Chinese deals of filial piety, harmony, and order. Mao’s cult of personality, party purges, and political policies reflect Mao’s esteem of these traditional Chinese ideals and history. Mao was born on December 26, 1893 in Shao Shan, a village in Hunan Province. 3 His family lived in a rural village where for hundreds of years the pattern of everyday life had remained largely unbroken. 4

Mao’s father, the son of a poor peasant, during Mao’s childhood however, prospered and become a wealthy land owner and rice dealer. Yet, the structure of Mao’s family continued to mirror the rigidity of traditional Chinese society. His father, a strict disciplinarian, demanded filial piety. 6 Forced to do farm labor and study the Chinese classics, Mao was expected to be obedient.

On the other hand, Mao remembers his mother was generous and sympathetic. 7 Mao urged his mother to confront his father but Mao’s mother who believed in many traditional ideas replied that was not the Chinese way. 8 Mao in his interviews with historian Edgar Snow reports how during his childhood he tried to escape this traditional Chinese upbringing by running away from home.

The rebellion Mao claims to have manifested might have distanced Mao physically from his family but, traditional Chinese values were deeply ingrained, shaping his political and personal persona. His father’s harshness with dealing with opposition, his cunning, his demand for reverence from subordinates, and his ambition were to be seen in how Mao demanded harmony, order, and reverence as a ruthless dictator. Yet, Mao, was also the kindly father figure for the people of China, as manifested in characteristic qualities of Mao’s mother: kindness, benevolence, and patriarchal indulgence.

The China that Mao was born into was fast becoming a shell of its former past. The Ch’ing dynasty which had ruled China for 250 years was only 14 years away from its collapse. 9 Peasant rebellions, famines, and riots heralded its failing. For Mao, one particular event when he was just ten years old, left a lasting impression. It both symbolized the deterioration of order in Chinese traditional society and was in sharp contrast to principles of harmony. A group of local villagers rioted for food during a famine in 1903.

The leaders were captured, beheaded, and their heads displayed on poles as a warning for future rebels. 10 Amidst the change that quaked the Chinese nation and Mao’s family’s conomic situation, 11 Mao sought solace in books about Chinese history and its emperors. 12 He became known in his family as, the scholar. As a child [I was] fascinated by accounts of the rulers of ancient China: Yao, Shun, Ch’in Shih Huang Ti, and Hu Wu Ti, and read many books about them. 13 Indeed, the emperors grandeur, elegance and power were a sharp contrast to the brutish leaders that Mao was exposed to during his childhood. 4

Yao and Shun are credited with forming the first Chinese society in the Yellow River Valley; Ch’in Shih Huang Ti unified the Chinese empire and built the Great Wall of China; Han Wu Ti solidified the foundation of the Han Empire. 15 In the turmoil that China was to undergo, particularly after Mao became the head of the Communist party, we will see how he was guided by traditional Chinese values and the history of the emperors provided him with a map for the future. 16 However, at first, he did not seem strongly focused on history or philosophy. During the next ten years, 1909-1918, Mao drifted.

In 1909 at the age of 16, he left home to attend school in Hsiang. 17 In 1911, he enlisted in the Army for six months after which he moved to Changsha the capital of Hunan Province where he stayed until 1918. 18 While in Changsha, he tried numerous schools. 19 Finally, he enrolled at the Hunan Normal School, graduating in 1918. 20 Mao’s mother’s died in 1918, which seemed to be a precipitant factor in his final break with home and in September of that year he traveled to Beijing. Arriving at Beijing University21 he was exposed to a wide range of political philosophy such as, anarchism, communism, and western ideas of democracy and capitalism.

Nonetheless, when describing to Edgar Snow the events that stood out in his mind from his time in Beijing, Mao did not select political ideology but three journeys to Chinese sites that captured the grandeur of the historic Chinese Empires. He visited the wall of Hsuchou famous in the San Kuo [three kingdoms]; climbed the T’ai Shan, a Chinese mountain of historic and religious significance; and made a pilgrimage to Confucius’s grave. 22 Mao now age 26, returned to Changsha in the spring of 1919. 23 It was at this point that he became active in politics.

During the summer of 1919, Mao became involved in demonstrations, which although not Marxist- inspired, were strongly anti-imperialist. 24 But, by the summer of 1920, he embraced Marxism. 5 However, like everything that Mao embarked upon, it also had Maoist tenets. The Marxism that Mao espoused became by the 1930’s, an amalgam of Marxism and Mao’s Chinese traditional ideas. He called it, Sinified-Marxism. 26 In 1923, after the Communists formed an alliance with the Guomingdang, the Chinese National People’s Party, 27 Mao became a leader in the combined party. 8

He was sent in 1925 to organize the Peasants of Hunan province. This event and Mao’s report of it became a pivotal point in documenting and disseminating Mao’s hallmark of Chinese Communism. 29 It reflected Mao’s revolutionary belief in the peasantry’s ability to rule hile also giving credence to Chinese traditional ideals. With glee, Mao described the peasant associations which had successfully taken over in Hunan. 30 In his report, Mao pays tribute to the peasants for selectively relying on Chinese traditions of order, harmony, and filial piety.

While praising the peasants for abandoning the worship of Gods and rejecting Buddhism, he congratulates the peasants puritan prohibitions against gambling and drinking wine. Although the peasants rejected the traditional Buddhist religion by spurning idols, Mao praises the peasants for saving ertain idols such as, a statue of Pao Cheng who was a official in the Sung Dynasty (960-1127), an impartial judge. 31 Finally, he applauds the Hunan peasant association for restoring order, which was to be a theme echoed by Mao during the Cultural Revolution when Mao relied on the military to restore order.

Mao’s belief in the ability of peasants to organize and rule was at the heart of the Communist success in attaining power. In 1927, the Guomingdang broke with the Communists. Chased from the urban areas, the Communists fled to the countryside. 32 This proved to be a blessing. Throughout the 1930’s, the Communists organized the rural areas and solidified the party organization. 33 The Japanese invasion of China during World War II, also provided Mao with opportunity to draw the Chinese people behind him in an united front against the Japanese invaders. Mao’s stature within the party continued to grow.

After leading the Communists on the Long March to the City of Yunan in Northern China in 1935, he assumed leadership of the party at age 42. 34 Mao’s belief in harmony, set him upon a campaign that would solidify his power, and further strengthen his role, the Rectification Campaign (1942-1943). The Rectification Campaign was a harbinger of the purges that Mao would initiate again during the Cultural Revolution; it was a symbol of Mao’s belief in harmony and order. This campaign aimed at purging the party of Stalinist supporters. 35 Purging of dissident elements within the party created unity according to Mao.

The Rectification Campaign was a turning point for the Communists. With a strong leader, unity within, and a specifically tailored Chinese political ideology, the Communists made steady gains against the Guomingdang in the Chinese Civil War (1945-1949). By 1949, the Communists controlled the Chinese mainland. Not surprisingly, on October 1st, Mao proclaimed the People’s Republic of China. Equally in character, Mao’s proclamation took place at the Imperial Gate in Tianamen Square, the gate where the Emperors of China had stood prior to the fall of the Ch’ing Dynasty in 1911. 6 During the next five years, Mao focused on structuring the new Chinese government. 37

Again, Mao turned to Chinese history. Using the Imperial governments as a blueprint, he copied the principles of an Imperial state, with a commanding head as the supreme authority. Like that of an ancient Chinese family tree, authority was placed in one person: Mao. 8 Below Mao in authority, were a plethora of overlapping bureaucracies. 39 This structure served Mao in later years as these branches squabbled amongst themselves allowing Mao to rise above these disputes and be able to exercise absolute imperial power.

By the mid 1950’s, Mao had what the Chinese Emperors, his childhood heroes, had struggled to create: a unified mainland China with a supreme ruler. Mao’s lifestyle during the 1950’s also began to resemble the imperial luxury of a Chinese Emperor. 40 His court consisted of an inner circle of around thirty to forty people who worked to his rhythm. 1 In bed for days, lounging by the side of a private pool, or enjoying a bevy of women, Mao lived in an atmosphere reminiscent of the Forbidden City, the place where Chinese Emperors were isolated from their country.

His appetite and desire for luxury was continually satisfied. 42 Mao emulated the First Tang Emperor of China43 binding people to him by discovering their weaknesses. Sycophantic advisors whose position resided with pleasing Mao, never disagreed with him. Security staff during the Great Leap Forward would set up vast potemkin fields of grain to lead Mao to think that the conomy was doing well, while in reality, huge numbers of people were starving. Mao, born a peasant, had become an emperor. According to Mao’s personal doctor, Dr. Li Zhisui, At the end, the most loved man in China was friendless. 4

Mao also knew how to use Chinese culture to consolidate his place as the head of China. 45 The three great rivers of China, the Pearl, the Xiang, and the Yangtze were historically signs of the power of nature. Mao proposed that he swim the three great rivers in the spring of 1956. Mao’s security staff opposed the swim. He defied them and swam. Chairman Mao was s mighty as the rivers he had swam, the propaganda posters depicting the swim seemed to say to the people of China. 46 One staff member, Yang Shangkun said, No other world leader looks down with such disdain on great mountains and powerful rivers. 7

Mao’s swimming in 1956 showed his desire to do what no one else had imagined which epitomized his power. Mao’s strength lay in his ability to devise colossal plans, plans that only an emperor would dream of and be able to execute. Shortly after his swim in the Yangtze, in July of 1956, Mao told Dr. Li that he wanted to dam the Yangtze in the area of the Three Gorges. The dam was to be like Emperor Qin Shihuangdi’s Great Wall. 48 In February, 1957 Mao turned back to politics. He moved to solidify his power in the party. Again, he called upon traditional Chinese ideas.

An ancient Chinese adage, let a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend, 49 became The Hundred Flower’s Movement. Traditionally, Chinese intellectuals were given freedom to criticize the Imperial Governments without fear of persecution. Many of the Chinese histories that Mao had read, were written by intellectuals who during imperial times had criticized the government. 0 A Hundred Flowers promoted criticism of the Communist Party. However, other leaders in the Communist Party, did not embrace such Chinese tradition.

They condemned the Flowers Movement and launched the Anti-Rightist Campaign which condemned critics of the Communist party. 51 Undaunted by the failure of the Hundred Flowers Movement, Mao in May of 1958 launched another grandiose plan: the Great Leap Forward. This was Mao’s economic plan to transform China into an industrial nation in two years. The plan was to decentralize agriculture and create communes which would promote heavy industry and agricultural production. 2 The Great Leap Forward seemed to symbolize Mao’s embrace of technology and industry.

In fact, it epitomizes Mao’s reliance on traditional Chinese ideals first formulated in his observance of the peasant culture. The Great Leap Forward relied on a commune system, which operates much like the China of Mao’s childhood. Small villages would set rice quotas and economic priorities and work as a group, sharing resources for the harvest. Communes can be seen as based on the Confucian idea of obligation. 53 Traditionally, Confucianism obligated a child to respect a parent. Communes, according to Mao would eplace that obligation to parents, with an obligation to Communism. Unfortunately, the experiment failed.

Misapplication of resources coupled with an unforeseen drought was disastrous and 54 Millions starved. 55 Mao, in the years following the Great Leap Forward again sought to regain power in the party. 56 Convinced that new bourgeois elements were emerging in the party, he began what at first was to be a modest attack on enemies in the Communist Party. It quickly transformed itself into an all- out attack on figures of authority which Mao promoted under the slogan, to rebel is justified. 57 This marked the era of the Cultural Revolution. From 1964 to 1969, Chinese society was turned upside down, like the turning over of a giant hourglass. 8

A state of chaos reigned: universities and school were shut down, widespread purges of rightist elements forced many former Communist officials into rural re-education camps, children were urged to denounce their parents and teachers, and students formed into Red Guard brigades, which dictated barbarous policies to provincial governments. Mao’s belief in an organized Strong Socialist State was clearly headed into anarchy. Yet, Mao’s strong sense of Chinese ideals of order, filial piety, and harmony were still in place. He quickly restored order, relying on the military. 9

The Cultural Revolution, like the Great Leap Forward, had tried to replace filial piety for parents with reverence for the Communist Party as embodied in Mao. During The Cultural Revolution, Mao’s personality cult had grown into a God-father figure reinforcing traditional Chinese obligation of filial piety: the same as the Emperors had during the dynasties. 60 By 1969 order was somewhat restored. 61 During the next six years, Mao’s health gradually deteriorated and he ceded most of his power to his wife and the Gang of Four, a group consisting of Mao’s wife and three others. They ruled China while Mao grew more incapacitated.

But even in the waning years of his life, Mao continued to write and espouse his belief in the power of Sinified-Marxism. On September 9th 1976, the man who had fathered the People’s Republic of China died. Thousands of people poured into Beijing to pay their respects to the helmsman of modern China. Mao, the young boy who had discovered a glorious nation in Chinese history books; filled with wise and mighty emperors, had combined Chinese traditional values with revolutionary Marxism to restore China to its glory. The man and the nation he conceived were anchored in Chinese tradition.

The Great Wall of China

The Great Wall of China is truly one of the greatest architectural achievements in recorded history. The longest structure ever built, it is about 6,700 kilometers (4,163 miles) long and made entirely by hand. This wall is said to be visible from the moon. It crosses Northern China, from the East coast to Central China (Karls, 1). This massive wall is not only one of the ancient wonders of the world, but it also has been the inspiration of many writers and artists. With a history of more than 2,000 years, some of the sections of the Great Wall are now in ruins or even entirely disappeared.

However, it is still one of the most appealing attractions all around the world, because of its architectural greatness and historical significance. The Great Wall’s construction began in 221 BC under the emperor Meng Tien, of the Chin Dynasty (Twitchett, 2). Continual invasions and wars from the barbarians to the North drove the emperor to order its construction to protect the newly unified China. It started at Lintao and extended to Liaotung, reaching a distance of more than 10,000 Li.

After crossing the Yellow River, it wound northward, touching the Yang Mountains (Twitchett, 2). Although the wall is considered to be well under 10,000 Li (one Li is approximately a third of a mile) it was truly an amazing accomplishment (Twitchett, 2). Meng Tien employed some 300,000 men in the creation of the original section of the wall. The building of such a massive wall would definitely be a huge task. A wall that stretches through the wilderness is not easily accessed by supply lines, unlike a highway that creates its own supply line (Delahoye, 3).

There was also a massive loss of lives during the construction of the wall, due to widespread disease and injury (Delahoye, 3). In fact it is an Ancient Chinese myth, that each stone in the wall stands for a life lost in the wall’s construction (Delahoye, 3). It is recorded that Meng Tien’s section of the wall took only ten years to build, but it is believed that it actually took a substantially greater amount of time (Delahoye, 3). After Meng Tien’s original construction the wall was far from completed. Other walls were added to and encompassed within The Great Wall.

The last major work on the wall was completed during the Ming Dynasty around 1500 (Delahoye, 3). The Great Wall extends around 1,500 miles in an east-west direction. It travels through four provinces (Hebei, Shanxi, Shaanxi, and Gansu) beginning in northern Hebei and ending in the northwest Gansu province (Delahoye, 3). The Great Wall is built of many different materials, from granite blocks to tamped earth (Ledoux, 4). These materials ranging from 15 to 50 feet high with a base width between 15 and 30 feet, the wall had guard towers spread along the entire length of the wall (Ledoux, 4).

The Great Wall of China was built by stacking mud or clay bricks one by one on top of each other. The brick was first produced in a sun-dried form at least 6,000 years ago, and is the prototype of a wide range of clay building products used today (Ledoux, 4). It is the small building unit in the form of a rectangular block, formed from clay, shale, or other mixtures and burned in a oven, to produce strength, hardness, and heat resistance (Ledoux, 4). The original concept of ancient brick-makers was that the unit should not be bigger than what one man could easily handle (Ledoux, 4).

To understand the Great Wall it is necessary to know the many components of the wall, and their purposes. The Great Wall was renovated from time to time after the Qin Dynasty. A major renovation started with the founding of the Ming Dynasty in 1368, and took 200 years to complete (Karls, 1). The wall seen today is almost exactly the result of this effort. With a total length of over 6,000 kilometers, it extends to the Jiayu Pass in Gansu Province, and in the west to the mouth of the Yalu River in the Liaoning Province in the east (Karls, 1).

What lies north of Beijing is but a small section of it (Karls). The Badaling section of the Great Wall along the mountains in the northwest of Beijing was built at the beginning of the Ming Dynasty in the 14th century (Karls, 1). Being 7. 8 meters high and 5. 8 meters wide at the top on the average, it has battle forts at important points, including the corners (Karls, 1). Located 10 kilometers south of the Badaling section of the Great Wall, was a built in 18. 5 kilometer long valley (Karls, 1). The pass has always been an important gateway northwest of Beijing.

Cloud Terrace, built in 1345, was originally the base over looking the main road of the town pass (Karls, 1). The arched gate of the terrace and the walls inside the arch are decorated with carvings of elephants, lions, birds, and flowers (Karls, 1). Also included are the heavenly kings as well as charms in six languages (Karls, 1). The Mutianyu section of the Great Wall, 70 kilometers northeast of Beijing, is linked to the Gubeikou section on the east and the Badaling section on the west (Karls, 1). The Mutianyu section of the Great Wall was used for watching and shooting at the invading enemy (Karls, 1).

Some of the battle forts on the wall are as close as 50 meters apart. It is one of the best sections of the Great Wall (Karls, 1). The Jinshanling division of the Great Wall, like the Simatai division, belongs to the Gubeikou section of the huge defense barrier. The walls in the Jinshanling division of the Great Wall are built along the ridge of a mountain, where the soldiers can resist the invading enemy by taking advantage of the high terrain (Karls, 1). Located to the east of Jinshanling, the Simatai division of the Great Wall is 3,000 meters long and has 35 battle forts (Karls, 1).

The wall rises and falls with the mountain ridge, while the battle forts are located high up the hills. Then there is the Beakon Tower. From the Beakon Tower alarms were raised by means of smoke signals, at night by fire (Karls, 1). Smoke was produced by burning a mixture of wolf dung, sulfur and saltpeter (Karls, 1). Shots were fired at the same time. Thus an alarm could be relayed from over 500 kilometers within just a few hours. As we all know the Great Wall was slowly built by sections, but now today exists as one wall.

This was possible because the Qin Dynasty was finally able to unite the split up sections of the walls (Forbes, 5). The emperor had extravagant plans for the empire, and he used forced labor to accomplish them. Gangs of Chinese peasants were forced to dig canals, and build roads. The one thing however, the Qin Dynasty thought to be especially important was to create a better barrier to the north (Muyaka, 6). Earlier rulers had built walls to prevent attacks by nomadic barbarians. First the Emperor ordered that those walls to be connected, and complete the entire wall as one (Forbes, 5).

Over the years, some 300,000 peasants died before the work was done (Forbes, 5). Today the Great Wall of China stands as a monument to Qins ambition, and to the peasants who carried out their emperors wishes (Forbes, 5). In 210 B. C. Qin died, and soon after the dynasty itself came to an end. Even so, the rule of the Qin brought lasting changes. The most influential changes were that of the wall. For it still stands today, finished, and a constant reminder to all, of the once and mighty emperor (Muyaka, 6). The Great Wall was not only used for defense purposes.

I read that it was used as a barrier to isolate China, during its period of Isolationism (Kalaman, 7). The Great Wall not only gave a physical barrier, but it also showed that the Chinese did not really want trade with the rest of the world (Kalman, 7). In todays day and age The Great Wall of China is no longer used to fight off armed soldiers, but it is used more commonly now as a tourist attraction Unknown, 8). Tourists from all over the world come to see the Great Wall, and take photos. It is widely known throughout China for other reasons as well.

The Chinese people have used the Great Wall of China in many of their myths and legends (Unknown, 8). It is said that the Great Wall actually has a sleeping dragon inside, and it is customary in China if new land is to be plotted that a holy man check it out first so as not to have the new building disrupt the sleeping dragon (Kalman, 7). It has also been used for countless poems. One of the other legends of the wall is that when a man was working on the wall and he became fatigued, a few of the guards buried him alive into the wall.

When the wife of the man did not come back after the construction as completed she went to the capital to find him. After she had heard what happened the woman went into remorse, and became very depressed. It was then that the wall opened up and revealed to the woman the body of her departed husband (Unknown, 8). That is an oldwives tale that has been passed down throughout the years, but there is some truth to it. For it was said, and evidence has been found, that many people were buried in the wall if the were unable to work.

One new and interesting thing I discover during researching was the China Great Wall Academy. What they did was examine 101 sections of the wall in different provinces, and reported that less than 30 % remains in good condition (Unknown, 8). The factors in its destruction were things such as nature and mankind (Unknown, 8). After that study, the Academy called for greater protection of the wall. The must keep it maintained because it is Chinas main tourist attractions, it has been said, the man who doesnt visit the wall, has never been to China. (Unknown, 8) The Great Wall of China is a masterpiece in a whole.

Even though it did take hundreds upon thousands human lives to build. It is a true symbol of China for what it did stand for, and also what it stands for now. Chinas past was full of change, but Chinas future will have the wall to look back upon as a constant reminder. The Great Wall of China is indeed a great architectural achievement for man, but what it has done to lives of the Chinese people the magnitude cannot possibly be measured in the wall itself. The Wall of China is one of the largest creations ever built, but it still has many secrets that remain unknown and unanswered.

Background Paper Of China

The People’s Republic of China is located at Eastern Asia, bordering the East China Sea, Korea Bay, Yellow Sea, and South China Sea, between North Korea and Vietnam. The bordering countries that surround China are Afghanistan 76 km, Bhutan 470 km, Burma 2,185 km, Hong Kong 30 km, India 3,380 km, Kazakhstan 1,533 km, North Korea 1,416 km, Kyrgyzstan 858 km, Laos 423 km, Macau 0.34 km, Mongolia 4,673 km, Nepal 1,236 km, Pakistan 523 km, Russia (northeast) 3,605 km, Russia (northwest) 40 km, Tajikistan 414 km,Vietnam 1,281 km. The type of government China has is Communist state. The GDP of China real growth rate is 7.8% and its per capita is $3,600.

The China is a Communist State. The president of China is President JIANG Zemin. The representative of China is Ambassador LI Zhaoxing. The legislative body is represented by unicameral National People’s Congress, which has 2979 seats elected by the people.

The imports in China are electrical machinery and equipment, machinery and mechanical appliances, plastics, iron and steel, scientific and photograph equipment, paperand paper board, and the Imports partners: Japan 20%, US 12%, Taiwan 12%, South Korea 11%, Germany, Hong Kong, Singapore, Russia.

The exports of China are electrical machinery and equipment, machinery and mechanical appliances, woven apparel, knit apparel, footwear, toys and sporting goods. The industries that China have are iron and steel, coal, machine building, armaments, textiles and apparel, petroleum, cement, chemical fertilizers, footwear, toys, food processing, autos, consumer electronics and telecommunications The exchange rates of china are yuan () per US$1-8.28. The GDP in China is purchasing power parity-$4.42 trillion agriculture: 19% industry: 49% services: 32%.

The population in China is 1,246,871,951, 0-14 years: 26%, 15-64 years: 68%, 65 years and over: 6%. The ethnic groups in China are Han Chinese 91.9%, Zhuang, Uygur, Hui, Yi, Tibetan, Miao, Manchu, Mongol, Buyi, Korean, and other nationalities 8.1%. The religions that China has are Daoism (Taoism), Buddhism, Muslim 2%-3%, Christian 1%. The birth rate in China is 15.1 births/1,000 population. The main language in China is Chinese. The literacy rate in China is 81.5% in which is 89% of men and 73% of women. China has many poor people because of the big population but the government is helping the need.

China has numerous mountains, high plateaus, deserts in west; plains, deltas, and hills in east. The highest point on China according to sea level is Mount Everest 8,848 m and the lowest is Turpan Pendi -154 m. Its climate is very diverse; tropical in south to sub-arctic in north. The total land area is 9,326,410 sq. km and the total water area is 270,550 sq. km. It has 14,500 km of coastline. China suffers numerous disasters like repeated typhoons, harmful floods, tsunamis and earthquakes.

China’s military branches are People’s Liberation Army (PLA), which includes the Ground Forces, Navy (includes Marines and Naval Aviation), Air Force, Second Artillery Corps (the strategic missile force), People’s Armed Police (internal security troops, nominally subordinate to Ministry of Public Security, but included by the Chinese as part of the “armed forces” and considered to be an adjunct to the PLA in wartime). The military power in China is 15-49: 361,267,706. The reaching military age annually 10,273,696.

China has many diseases because of its large population one of the main diseases is called influenza disease. Beijing the capital of China was hit by a epidemic disease and this leave many people infected.

China is a very big country in area and population. It is located in East Asia. It has many resources and takes a great part of the world’s economy. It has a communist government. It has some diseases problems, and a very advanced military .

The Irreverence of Female Independence in China

For years, the world has been oblivious to the painful, degrading traditions toward women that take place behind the “Bamboo Curtain” of China. Falling Leaves , by Adeline Yen Mah, unveils the darker side of Chinese culture through her eyes as an unwanted Chinese daughter. Shocking mistreatment, of not only the author, but also the females in her extended family keep suspense alive throughout the book. My heart sobs at each account of Adeline’s tortured life, but through it all, there was a flicker of her spirit that could not be put out.

In China, girls are seen as a possession or a “cheap commodity” (Yen Mah 100). Sons, especially the eldest, are given far more attention and praise. Families that are well off keep their daughters and marry them off to prominent families’ sons through a marriage broker (“mei-po”). Rich daughters often had their feet bound, a process by which the “four lateral toes of the foot are forced with a bandage under the sole so that only the big toe protruded. (It was) tightened daily for a number of years (so as to) permanently arrest the foot’s growth in order to achieve tiny feet so prized by Chinese men” (Yen Mah 11).

Their inability to walk with ease is a symbol of submissiveness, weakness, and wealth. This tradition is becoming more rare, but still many older women bear its pain today. Adeline’s grandmother went against these traditions by not torturing her own daughter in such an inhumane way. Daughters of poorer families could only wish for such a life of weakness and delicate manner. These girls often become maids, waitresses, or prostitutes. Street girls play a vital role in the “three vices common to Chinese men: opium, gambling, and brothels” (Yen Mah 7).

In my opinion, the treatment of women is the greatest difference between Eastern and Western culture. As Western culture has advanced to bring more rights to women, the traditional ways of China have become a sore thumb on the hand of the world. Even as an Eastern girl ages, she still has little hope for her own independence. Adeline’s grandmother was told by her father these words of shuttering reality: “Your duty is to please him and your in-laws. Bear them many sons. Subliminate your own desires. Become the willing piss-pot and spittoon of the Yens and we will be proud of you. Yen Mah 10)

Though women give up their entire lives to their husband and children, it is still widely accepted by their culture to have multiple concubines (mistresses). In the book, Adeline’s grandfather was defiant to pressure to have a concubine “serve him” (Yen Man 14), and this disapproval of the “social norm” was not to be believed by others. Confucius had professed that “only ignorant women were virtuous,” and it is by this ideal that many families in China think. Throughout the book, Adeline defies tradition by going to college (out of the country) and then moving on to medical school.

Her self- will to try to please her father is mainly a need to be more like her brothers who were adored by the family. Adeline’s fight for acceptance, admiration, and personal success could not be achieved in the sexist society of China or the Westernized Hong Kong. Her many attempts to return to the motherland to shine for her family and country only discouraged her and remind her that there is no place for her achievement in the ancient hearts and minds of the Chinese people. At the peak of Adeline’s youth in China, Westerners amazed and intrigued the Chinese, including Adeline’s father.

She was sent to Catholic boarding schools and taught English. Business was booming in Hong Kong, especially with trade with the United States. Father adopted ambiguous notions about his own race, “he, like many Chinese had come to see Westerners as taller, cleverer, stronger, and better” (Yen Mah 29). Adeline strived to be a model child, but it was unheard of for a Chinese girl to have Western success. This double standard was one of many at this time. Her success as a physician meant nothing to her family, especially her stepmother, Niang, who “ignored me as if I was still a child” (Yen Mah 146).

Adeline discovered in her middle age that China and Hong Kong are not places for women who are not quiet and submissive. Her abusive childhood of mind games, emotional distress, and abandonment stayed with her even outside of China. In the Unites States she had two failed marriages, never seeming to find a balance of the beliefs instilled in her as a child, and the modern beliefs of the West. The past haunts her until her evil stepmother, Niang, dies and she is able to put some closure on the wounds that tradition had put on her mind and heart.

The history of Chinese civilization

The history of Chinese civilization spans thousands of years and encompasses countless ideas, beliefs, and societal and political doctrines. However, from a modern standpoint one distinct perspective prevails above the rest in the manner and degree it has influenced the development of China. For the previous 2,000 years the teachings of Confucius, and the systems of thought and behavior that have evolved from them, have had significant effects on Chinese thought, government institutions, literature and social customs.

Confucianism has served a primary role as a social and moral philosophy and as practiced by many, especially in the educated upper classes, Confucianism had definite religious dimensions. The teachings of Confucius served to unite a developing society, binding together various aspects of civilization and culture into one coherent body that functions under common values and attitudes. Confucius sought a type of all encompassing unity for the world and for his people; his wisdom was intended to serve as guide. In the Analects, a compendium of Confucian teachings, Confucius said, Be of unwavering good faith and love learning.

Be steadfast unto death in pursuit of the good Way. Do not enter a state which is in peril, nor reside in one in which the people have rebelled. When the Way prevails in the world, then show yourself. When it does not, then hide. When the Way prevails in your own state, to be poor and obscure is a disgrace; but when the Way does not prevail in your own state, to be rich and honored is a disgrace. ‘ (Analects 4. 5) This lesson serves well as a paradigm for Confucian thought; it shows the direction that Confucius aspired toward, and the proper methods for the journey.

Before endeavoring to understand Confucianism and its connection with China, it is necessary to develop and understanding of China in the pre-Confucius era, in which this philosophy evolved. The most ancient evidence of Chinese religious and social civilization dates back to the Shang dynasty, circa 1500 B. C. E. In this early agricultural society, there is evidence of some of the basic fundamentals of most Chinese religious thought; the pursuit, establishment, maintenance and enjoyment of harmony in the earthly world. During the Zhou dynasty (1122 – 771 B. C. E. ), the path initiated by the Shang was sustained and expanded upon.

The Zhou quest for harmony and order led to the development of some extremely crucial concepts that would directly effect the development of Confucianism. It was in this era that the notion of Tian, the force that can be best understood as heaven, first came to light. This later led to the conception of the idea of the Mandate of Heaven (Tian-ming) from which rulers derived all power and sense of legitimacy, due to the accordance of their behaviors with the norms of morality and ritual correctness. In connection with this, the relatively stable feudal society of Zhou era was responsible for the emergence of the tao.

This principal made cosmic order and harmony possible; the tao can be thought of as the road or path from which come perfect unity, harmony and order. This idea played a critical role in the development of Confucianism and dramatically affected the course of Chinese development. In the eighth century B. C. E. , the Zhou dynasty began to fall apart as barbarous tribes invaded from the west. This led to the disintegration of Zhou rule and the creation of a number of contending smaller states hoping to re-unify China under a new dynasty.

This serious breach in the structure of society and the disharmony that prevailed led to new movements of thought. The sages of this time felt strong aspirations to find solutions to the numerous problems that surrounded them. It probably is for this reason that the six-century B. C. E. was characterized by distinct progress in Chinese thought, and became known as the age of the hundred philosophers. Foremost in this era, Confucius was born. Kung Fu-tzu was the given name of the great moral philosopher and teacher, Confucius is merely a romanized version of this.

He is thought to have been born in the principality of Lu, in what is now Shantung Province, in Northeast China. This is the only information about Confucius that is known to be unyielding fact; almost all of the biographical information on this man is derived from the Life of Confucius by the historian Szema Ch’ien. Nearly all the data contained in this book is held to be accurate, being derived from dependable oral traditions. Confucius is said to have embarked on his quest for knowledge, order and harmony in an effort to dispel the conflict and dissension that existed in his time.

Throughout his life he would seek to bring about a return to the ancient values, through a standardization of rituals, the creation of a system of rationalized feudalism and, most importantly, the establishment of ethical relationships based upon the principals of reciprocity and benevolence. Confucius most likely started his career in a very lowly position (although some scholars dispute this) and through his intense devotion and perseverance was able to rise to a respected position in the civil service. It was at this time that Confucius is thought to have traveled widely in China, studying ancient rites and ceremonies.

His devotion to antiquity was genuine and passionate. Confucius said, ‘I transmit but do not create. I have been faithful to and loved antiquity’ (Analects 7. 1) Confucius then developed a reputation for overtly criticizing government policies, arguing that the governments of the time were leading the people away from li, a Confucian inspiration that can best be understood as a amalgamation of the terms ritual, custom, propriety and manners. Because of this Confucius began to devote the preponderance of his labors to teaching and edification.

Confucius is accredited to have said, I silently accumulate knowledge; I study and do not get bored; I teach others and do not grow weary – for these things come naturally to me. ‘(Analects 7. 2) Confucius quickly began to develop a reputation as a prominent instructor and sage. Even though he had ceased to function as a political administrator, his teachings were steeped in politics and state affairs. In fact, an inordinate number of Confucian pupils achieved great success as office seekers. In his last years, Confucius wholeheartedly devoted himself to editing the classical books of Chinese history now known as the Wu Jing or Five Classics.

In these books Confucius sought to permanently preserve the ancient knowledge that he valued so dearly, and it seems to serve as a perfect legacy for this distinguished academic. Confucianism can be most easily understood by breaking its complexities into distinct vocabulary, in fact Confucius himself was reasonably obsessed with terminology. Li, the principle of social conduct to be observed by the moral personality that assumes the form of ritual and social order, was Confucius’ answer to the problems of his era.

As he saw the state of affairs, the adamant ritulization of life would facilitate the creation of a harmonious society. The first step in the Confucian program to establish the proper order of things, tao, was to reform the government. Confucius’ approach to this is quite distinct when looking from a western point of view that favors a democratic and egalitarian ideal. Confucius believed that direction must come from the uppermost levels of the state, thus working its way down to everyone. However Confucius held no value in any type of official coercion.

Instead he believed that if the leaders were accomplished and virtuous (te), and they lived by li, that the people would correct their behavior by their own initiative. In the Analects, Confucius said, Lead the people with legal measures and regulate them by punishment, and they will avoid wrongdoing but will have no sense of honor and shame. Lead them with the power of virtuous example and regulate them by the rules of li, and they will have a sense of shame and will thus rectify themselves. (Analects 2. 3) Confucius sought to create an environment in which people would naturally be harmonious and thus virtuous.

He believed that harmony was an unavoidable result of li, because li was a perfect reflection of cosmic order. From a Confucian perspective, any land that acted according to li was civilized, and any land that did not was not civilized. This idea was even expanded to claim that a in populace that did not abide by li, the people were not fully human, in the sense that they had no means of realizing the full potential of humanity, called ren. Another important aspect of Confucianism was an ideal known as chun-tzu, which is contemporarily defined as superior man or true gentleman.

Confucius likely envisioned this concept due to his struggles against the resolute privileges of the feudal hereditary aristocracy of his day. Confucius saw many of the aristocracy using their political power to protect their own wealth and status, which he saw as a gross distortion of the proper order. The superior man of Confucian thought was a man honored for individual merit and character, which were derived from meticulous adherence to the Way of the ancients. The chun-tzu was embodied in a man who was above egotism, a man who thoroughly understood li, and a man of ren, altruistic and humane.

Confucian thought continued to flourish and develop in China, even long after the death of Confucius himself. Around the tenth century a great revival of Confucianism spread across China, triggered by two philosopher brothers, Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi. They ignited the spark that would lead to Neo-Confucianism with their highly respected commentaries on the Confucian classics. Neo-Confucianism blended the old Confucian way with Buddhism, which had a significant following in China. From old Confucianism it derived an emphasis on moral principals, proper order, rule governed behavior and harmonious human relationships.

But these ideas were filtered through a Buddhist perspective, creating the notion that all thought, ordinary experience, and performance of rituals are based on a single, absolute ultimate reality. This absolute was called Li, though had a completely different meaning than the original use of this word. In the Neo-Confucian outlook, Li comprises the ideas of reason, principle and order. This was the fundamental principle that governed the thought of the Neo-Confucian, it became a metaphysical entity to them; Li was reality itself.

Along with this newfound fixation with the absolute, Neo-Confucians also developed a clear definition of the most important Confucian virtues, called the five moral principals. Ju Xi, a prominent Neo-Confucian philosopher said, Man’s original nature is pure and tranquil. Before it is aroused, the five moral principals of his nature, called humanity, righteousness, propriety, wisdom and faithfulness, are complete. As his physical form appears, it comes into contact with external tings and is aroused from within.

As it is aroused from within, the seven feelings, called pleasure, anger, sorrow, joy, love, hate and desire, ensue. As feelings become strong and increasingly reckless, his nature becomes damaged. For this reason the enlightened person controls his feelings so that they will be in accord with the Mean. He rectifies his mind and nourishes his nature. (Ibid 2. 3) According to this train of thought, emotions are grounded in Li, the absolute, and are stimulated by the activities of everyday life. By nature the emotions, even anger and hate, are not considered bad.

But when the emotions become over stimulated, a disparity may appear between one’s inner essential nature and ones outer, conscious life. When this takes place, one’s actions will no longer be in accordance with the Principal and disharmony will persist unbridled. In addition to Neo-Confucianism’s emphasis on emotional control, the old moral and political stance of Confucius was held to be paramount. Respecting the ancient knowledge in the true Confucian manner, Neo-Confucianism continued to emphasize the regulation of public and private lives.

Everything was to be kept in its proper place, and ritualized social patterns prevailed. Enacting a firmly regulated social life was inner harmony and the direct experience of the ultimate Li. Confucianism almost exclusively regulated the social and political structure of China from the eleventh century through the nineteenth. Much can be ascertained about China by studying this phenomenon. Confucianism was always an elite tradition, and it generally did not appeal greatly to the masses. For this reason, in Confucian ruled China, few attempts were made to root out and dissolve other religious practices and institutions.

Although this could have likely been done without excessive effort, the original Confucian stance of rule-by-example was strictly adhered to. Thus the Confucian attitude toward Daoist, Buddhist and folk religious practices was one of bemused toleration. It only catalyzed into active persecution if one of the groups entered a position were it was a threat to political stability. Confucianism held its elated position in China through intense promotion of Confucian institutions acting on the state, village, occupational guild and family level. At the state level, Confucian practices and many groups were strictly adherent to rituals.

The educated elite, intellectuals and office holders were often devout supporters of Confucian structure. Twice a year government officials gathered at Confucian temples to practice determined rituals. These rituals were quite important, serving to show the officials’ loyalty to the state and their loyalty to the ideas of chun-tzu, the superior man. In the Imperial court, there was also an intense devotion to Confucian rituals. The emperor himself played a vital role in most of these practices, symbolically acting on behalf of the entire Chinese nation.

Throughout the entire record of Chinese history as we know it today, few things remained constant. Yet because of the extent at which Confucianism was integrated into Chinese society, politics and daily life, it stayed invariable for many hundreds of years. Confucian thought played a dominant role in the gradual development and evolution of a society. Even though dramatic changes have reshaped China in the recent history, it seems like many Confucian attitudes and ideas must still influence the way Chinese think and live.

Few factors could have helped to shape the Chinese character more dramatically. It is for this reason that I see Confucianism as a valuable tool for developing a lucid and precise understanding of China. To understand Confucianism similar to understanding the manner in which a river helps to shape a canyon. Confucianism holds many direct contrasts to the majority of western the philosophies that I have experienced. Understanding this has helped me bridge the cultural and philosophical gap between China and the West that has hindered my comprehension in the past.

How the Sino-American Relationship improved in 70s

The American President Nixon’s historic trip to China in February 1972 marked the beginning of a new era in Sino-American relations. For the first time since 1949, the two countries established high-level official contacts and transformed their relationship from confrontation to collaboration. Over the following twenty years, however, U. S. -China relations have experienced repeated cycles of progress, stalemate, and crisis, with the events in Tiananmen Square in June 1989 the most recent and disruptive example.

Indeed, although relations between the two countries are greatly more extensive today than they were twenty years ago, they remain highly problematic. Yet the obstacles are mainly base on ideology, state interest and international climate. This can especially shown in disputes on Human Rights, Taiwan and trade relationship. This paper will first give some historical background. Afterward, due to the limit and the intensity of this paper, only matters on human rights as major example will be given a more detailed description and analysis.

To conclude, I’ll try to trace out the view how American government treat the Sino-American relationship in a form of historical progression and give further possible questions in different aspects with the prediction and suggestion to them. Historical progression is used because Sino-American relationship is unlike mostly of other China’s foreign partner, but progressive no matter forward or backward all the time. And now we are going to trace how the America deal with the problems raised and history can help find the trend how they change the way used to deal with relationship in between.

Since 1949 to now, from the international climate and decision-maker dimension, there can be divided into 3 progressive states. From 1949 to 1969, it is the period of ideological conflict. The international environment, especially the occurrence of Korean War and the movement of the American Seventh Fleet into the Taiwan Strait caused the conflicts between the 2 different ideologies become more serious. In the battlefield in Korea, the two nations even act as enemies.

Although in the early 60s President John Kennedy considered open a dialogue with China but China and her leader’s increasingly anti-imperialist rhetoric caused US’s initiative to failure. To make a summary of this period, movement towards better relationship made little progression and there had no way to negotiate, although there was chance, for there was too many ‘concrete’ actions like the later Vietnam War to prohibit. The second period was from 1968 to 1989 and is so-called the normalization of the two nation.

Since the Soviet Union invade the Czechislovakia, China’s leader Mao realized the end of isolation and gave a signal of reopen of dialogue with Washington. The American President Nixon read the signals right and soon the two nations become strategic partners, after the casting of the Nixon’s historical visit to China. This time, from the active role and quick action played by the America in the rebuild of friendship we may see the American values this relationship high and should be beneficial for them at least.

The content of rebuild of formal relationship was in 1979 and mainly described as a form that the United States and the People’s Republic of China had agreed to recognize each other1 and to establish diplomatic relations as of January 1, 1979. The America recognized the Government of the Communist China as the sole legal Government of China. Within this context, the people of the United States will maintain cultural, commercial, and other unofficial relations with the people of Taiwan.

Further later, the two nation reaffirm2 the principle agreed on by the two side once again that (1) Both of them wish to reduce the danger of international military conflict. (2) Neither should seek hegemony in the Asia-Pacific region or in any other region of the world and each is opposed to efforts by any other country or group of countries to establish such hegemony (3) Neither is prepared to negotiate on behalf of any third party or to enter into agreements or understandings with the other directed at other states. )

The Government of the United States of America acknowledges the Chinese position that there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China. (5) Both believe that normalization of Sino-American relations is not only in the interest of the Chinese and American peoples but also contributes to the cause of peace in Asia and the world. These agreements, on the other hand, had clearly shown that the effort the American made.

But it also quoted out a long discussing problem: Taiwan. The question of United States arms sales to Taiwan was not settled in the course of negotiations between the two countries on establishing diplomatic relation. The two sides held different positions, and the Chinese side stated that it would raise the issue again following normalization. Recognizing that this issue would seriously harm the development of United States-China relations, they have held further discussions on it, during and since the meetings between President Ronald Reagan and Premier Zhao Ziyang and between Secretary of State Alexander M. Haig, Jr. , and Vice Premier and Foreign Minister Huang Hua in October 1981.

In fact, United States Government attaches great importance to its relations with China, and reiterates that it has no intention of interfering in Chinese sovereignty and territorial integrity, or China’s internal affairs, or pursuing a policy of “two Chinas” or “one China, one Taiwan. ” The United States Government understood and appreciated the Chinese policy of striving for a peaceful resolution of the Taiwan question as indicated in China’s Message to Compatriots in Taiwan issued on January 1, 1979 and the Nine-Point Proposal put forward by China on September 30, 1981.

The new situation which had emerged with regard to the Taiwan question also provided favorable conditions for the settlement of United States-China differences over the question of United States arms sales to Taiwan. But for the China side, this attitude taken mainly was owing to unwillingness to harm the rebuilding relationship and losing of this important partner. For this 2 nations with totally difference ideology, it is understandable for China to take this stance but it had been the origin of continue disputes between the 3 countries.

Anyway, apart from the Taiwan problem, China actually tried to keep a distance in the strategic dimension. But on the other hand, China’s leader Deng had launched its ‘Open Door Policy’ and changed his view toward the American, even accept partly of the capitalism that he had keen on economic reform. His economic reform had pushed the academic transaction, economic growth and trading turnover increment to a historical high level. Continuously, it comes to the third period from 1989 to now.

A decade of rapid economic growth, spurred by market incentives and foreign investment, has reduced party and government control over the economy and the information that citizens can access. The June 4 incident was the turning point of Sino-American relationship and it broadened the problem in between to a new level. It all came the human right first. For the people in American and places all over the world, human right may be something more serious and important than any other especially it is in a highly suppressed state.

It is widely accepted that human rights is ensuring that civil and political rights – and human rights institutions that are critical to the development of any modern society – are no less a priority than the remarkable economic progress that many states have enjoyed. In fact, it is true that the major area of disagreement between the United States and China had been human rights. The Americans recognize that the Chinese people today possess many more options in their daily lives than did their parents. And the progress has also been made in revising civil and criminal law and permitting a degree of choice in village elections.

China is changing; but the government’s repression of political dissent has not changed. Criticism all the world, certainly of the student leaders and maybe as well as of some Chinese people, agree that the evolution toward democracy is a complex process involving many factors, with no particular order or sequence of events that must be followed. It is known that International efforts to promote democratization and basic freedoms are best addressed to as many institutions of civil society as possible, including legislatures, judiciaries, executive agencies, local governments, trade unions, press and media.

Of course, democracy cannot be imposed from the outside. It must find its own roots within any given society. In China, however, the massacre had meanwhile shown its suppressing human right. What the American wants to insist is that China should have no way but to have some human evolution, otherwise not only suffer international isolation again but also economic isolation as well. Over the recent years, China has engaged in a dialogue with the United States and others on this issue. Dialogue is an important first step, but the signal from the American and international society is nothing clearer – there is no substitute for action.

In particular, the Americans have begun constructive discussions with Chinese officials about the rule of law, and they note Chinese efforts to implement legal reforms. Starting from the key points of human rights to discuss, China in a compared view has a repressive government. It is common that the Strong authoritarian governments in many parts of the world kept themselves in power through the systematic abuse of the human rights of their citizens. China seemed be and it was. In fact, in China there were positive steps on human rights, although serious problems remained.

Chinese authorities continued to commit widespread and well-documented human rights abuses, in violation of internationally accepted norms. Abuses included torture and mistreatment of prisoners, forced confessions, arbitrary arrest, and lengthy inhumane detention. The Government continued to use intimidation, administrative detention, imposition of prison terms, house arrest or exile to control dissent. Thousands remained in prison for the peaceful expression of their political, social, or religious views, or “counterrevolutionary” crimes.

However, the Government’s response to dissent was somewhat more tolerant than in recent years. A number of dissidents, academics, and former officials issued public statements, letters or petitions challenging the Government’s policies or advocating political reform. The authorities released a few political prisoners, including Wei Jingsheng (Q). China also made progress in legal reform efforts in 1997. As a result of economic and social changes, generally Chinese citizens now go about their lives with more personal freedom than ever before.

However, those Chinese who openly express dissenting political and religious views still live in an environment filled with repression. Indeed, religion evolutions in China are not optimistic. Nonapproved religious groups, including Protestant and Catholic groups, experienced varying degrees of official interference and repression as the Government continued to enforce its 1994 regulations requiring all religious organizations to register with the Government and come under the supervision of official “patriotic” religious organizations3.

There was evidence that the authorities, guided by national policy, in some areas made strong efforts to control the activities of unapproved Catholic and Protestant churches. In some cases, authorities have used detention, arrest, and reform-through-education sentences to enforce regulations. Despite this pressure, the number of religious adherents in many churches, both registered and unregistered, continued to grow at a rapid pace. Citizens worshipping in officially sanctioned churches mosques, and temples reported little or no day-to-day interference by the government.

In Xinjiang (s) and Tibet (), tight controls on religion continued and, in some cases, intensified. The above are the main content of the human right dispute. Apart from it, there are also trade dispute. China is the United States’ fourth largest trading partner. Although U. S. exports have quadrupled in the last decade, China’s wide array of trade barriers, shifts in imports from other Asian trading nations have resulted in a trade deficit with China in 1997 of $50 billion.

When services trade is included, US’s deficit with China now exceeds their deficit with Japan. This origin of dispute can say to be revealed with the human right problem as well. Further main points are lacked but it seems China had no intention to deal with it and the US has no other method but through executive means or by means of quota to alleviate it. To the very end, facing so many serious problems, the US and China can keep their relationship is because of the interests involved.

As there are no trend to decrease but to rise only, so, in order to deal with everything generally, the America can make use of dialogues, human right reports, continuous economic development, and academic transaction. It can be said that the progression of the relationship of the two countries is the Sino-American strategic alignment of the 1970s, the economic partnership of the 1980s, and then the continued tension or even confrontation over such issues as trade, human rights, and the proliferation of advanced weapons in the 1990s.

In the future 21st centuries, the direction to go is clear. There will have greater interaction based on China’s acceptance of and adherence to international norms. Constructive works are to work together to halt the spread of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction, to cooperate on the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, to develop cooperative programs on the rule of law, to advance new energy and environmental projects.

With a wider view, the development of United States-China relations is not only in the interest of the two peoples but also contribute to peace and stability in the world. The two sides are determined, on the principle of equality and mutual benefit, to strengthen their ties to the economic, cultural, educational, scientific, technological and other fields and make strong, joint efforts for the continued development of relations between the governments and peoples of the United States and China.

Confucianism, the philosophical system

Confucianism, the philosophical system founded on the teaching of Confucius, who lived from 551 BC to 479 BC, dominated Chinese sociopolitical life for most of the Chinese history and largely influenced the cultures of Korea, Japan, and Indochina. The Confucian school functioned as a recruiting ground for government positions, which were filled by those scoring highest on examinations in the Confucian classics. It also blended with popular and important religions and became the vehicle for presenting Chinese values to the peasants.

The school’s doctrine supported political authority using the theory of the mandate of heaven. It sought to help rulers maintain domestic order, preserve tradition, and maintain a constant standard of living for the tax paying peasants. It trained its followers in generous giving, traditional rituals, family order, loyalty, respect for superiors and for the aged, and principled flexibility in advising rulers. Confucius was China’s first and most famous philosopher. He had a traditional personal name (Qiu) and a formal name (Zhoghi).

Confucius’s father died shortly after Confucius’s birth. His family fell into relative poverty, and Confucius joined a growing class of impoverished descendants of aristocrats who made their careers by acquiring knowledge of feudal ritual and taking positions of influence serving the rulers of the many separate states of ancient China. Confucius devoted himself to learning. At the age of 30, however, when his short-lived official career floundered, he turned to teaching others.

Confucius himself never wrote down his own philosophy, although tradition credits him with editing some of the historical classics that were used as texts in his school. He apparently made an enormous impact on the lives and attitudes of his disciples. Confucianism combines a political theory and a theory of human nature to yield dao, a prescriptive doctrine or way. The political theory starts with a Doctrine of political authority from heaven’s command: the ruler bears responsibility for the well being of the people and therefore for peace and order in the empire.

Confucianism emerged as a more coherent philosophy when faced with intellectual competition from other schools that were growing in the schools that were growing in the fertile social climate of pre-imperial China (400-200 BC). Daoism, Mohism and Legalism all attacked Confucianism. A common theme of these attacks was that Confucianism assumed that tradition and convention was always correct. Mencuis (372-289 BC) developed a more idealistic inclination to good behavior that does not require education.

Xun Zi (313- 238 BC) argued that all inclinations are shaped by acquired language and other social forms. Confucianism rose to the position of an official orthodoxy during the Han Dynasty (206 BC – 220 AD). It absorbed the metaphysical doctrines of Yin (the female principle) and Yang (the male principle) found in the Book of Changes and other speculative metaphysical notions. With the fall of the Han Dynasty, Confucianism fell into severe decline. Except for the residual effects of its official status, Confucianism remained philosophically dormant for approximately 600 years.

Confucianism began to revive with the reestablishment of the Chinese dynastic power in the Tang Dynasty (618- 906 AD). The Zen Buddhist, Chan felt that There is nothing much to Buddhist teaching. And, the education offered by Confucist teaching filled the intellectual gap. The Song Dynasty (960 – 1279 AD) produced Neo-Confucianism, which is an interpretation of classical Confucianism doctrine that addressed both Buddhist and Daoist issues. Its development was due mainly to Zhenglo (1032) and Zhengi (1033-1107), but for the orthodox statement of Neo-Confucianism, one turns to Zhu Xi (1130- 1200).

His commentaries on the four scriptures of Confucianism were required study for the imperial civil service examinations. From the beginning of the 1200’s to about 1949 and the communist era in China, Confucianism was the belief that told the peasants of China that the mandate of heaven said that emperors were to rule the Chinese Empire. Because of this philosophy, westerners often viewed the Chinese lifestyle as odd and referred to the Chinese officials as inscrutable.

The Great Wall of China

To the northwest and north of Beijing, a huge, serrated wall zigzags it’s way to the east and west along the undulating mountains. This is the Great Wall, which is said to be visible from the moon. This massive wall has not only been one of the Ancient Seven Wonders of the World, but it has also been inspiration for many artists, and writers. The building of the Great Wall is one of the biggest tragedy? s, but through this tragedy arose triumph with the wall, being so much to so many people. The Great Wall of China is much more than a wall, and was built for many reasons that are hidden to most.

Construction of the Great Wall started in the 7th century B. C. The wall states that under the Zhou Dynasty in the northern parts of the country each built their own walls for defense purposes. After the state of Qin unified China in 221 B. C. , it joined the walls to hold off the invaders from the Xiongnu tribes in the north and extended them to more than 10,000 li or 5,000 kilometers. This is the origin of the name of the “10,000-li Great Wall”. (Karls, Robert 10,000-li Great Wall) To understand everything about the Great Wall it is necessary to know the many components of the wall, and their purposes. The Great Wall was renovated from time to time after the Qin Dynasty. A major renovation started with the founding of the Ming Dynasty in 1368, and took 200 years to complete. The wall we see today is almost exactly the result of this effort.

With a total length of over 6,000 kilometers, it extends to the jiayu Pass in Gansu Province in the west and to the mouth of the Yalu River in Liaoning Province in the east. What lies north of Beijing is but a small section of it. (Karls) The Badaling section of the Great Wall snaking along the mountains northwest of Beijing was built at the beginning of the Ming Dynasty in the 14th century. Being 7. eters high and 5. 8 meters wide at the top on the average, it has battle forts at important points, including the corners. (Karls)

Located 10 kilometers south of the Badaling section of the Great Wall and built in an 18. 5-kilometre-long valley, the pass has always been an important gateway northwest of Beijing. The name is believed to have its origin in the workers and slaves conscripted to build the Great Wall in ancient times. Cloud Terrace, built in 1345, was originally the base of a pagoda over looking the main road of the town of the pass. The arched gate of the terrace and the walls inside the arch are decorated with carvings.

Of elephants, lions, birds, flower and heavenly kings as well as charms in six languages-Sanskrit, Tibetan, Phats pa (Mongolian), Uygur, West Xia and Han. (Karls) The Mutianyu section of the Great Wall, 70 kilometers northeast of Beijing, is linked to the Gubeikou section on the east and the Badaling section on the Pearson 3 west. The Mutianyu section of the Great Wall is crenellated for watching and shooting at the invading enemy. Some of the battle forts on the wall are as close as 50 meters apart. It is one of the best sections of the Great Wall. (Karls)

Located in Miyun County northeast of Beijing, the Jinshanling division of the Great Wall, like the Simatai division, belongs to the Gubeikou section of the colossal defence barrier. The battlements in the Jinshanling division of the Great Wall are built along the ridge of a mountain, where the soldiers can resist the invading enemy by taking advantage of the high terrain. (Karls) Located to the east of Jinshanling, the Simatai division of the Great Wall is 3,000 meters long and has 35 battle forts. The wall rises and falls with the precipitous mountain ridge, while the battle forts are located high up the hills.

From the Beakon Tower alarm was raised by means of smoke signals, at night by fire. Smoke was produced by burning a mixture of wolf dung, sulfur and saltpeter. Shots were fired at the same time. Thus an alarm could be relayed over 500km within just a few hours. (Karls) From Shaikwan on the the gulf of Liao Tuna to the Hwang Ho, Chin Shih Hwang Ti’s Great Wall followed the highlands of the southern rim of the Mongolian basin and thus had some phisical justification. However in it’s continuation westward along the north bank of the Hwang Ho. The Wall ceases to conform to a natural region.

For it crosses the 15 inch isohyet and embraces a large area of sparce and variable rainfall. The Ordos wich is far more suited to Pearson 4 pastoral economy than intensive agriculture thus indisregarding geographical factors and attempting to include permanetly within his domains, essentialy pastory lands. Chin Shih Hwang Ti defeated his own ends and the main purpose of the wall, i. e. the seperstion of these two economies. Often there were large numbers of nomads living within The Great Wall while it was sited so far north. Nineteen Hsiung-Nu tribes occured at the Ordos region at the time of the three kingdoms (ad 220-265).

While the Han emporers remained powerful and energetic they were able to keep the northern pastorialists under control but emidiatly there was a weakening of imporial power. The old forces reasserted themselves and thestruugle between the two ways of life was renewed. Chin Shih Hwang Ti’s wall to the north of the Ordos was eventually abandoned and one to the south conforming closely to the 15 inch isohyet was built. The Great Wall of China has done it’s job well seperating these two areas as well as protect that part of China from being attacked.

The Ch’in Dynasty began it? s reign over China in the year of 221 B. C. The very first emperor at that point in time self appointed himself and proclaimed himself to be Shih Huang Ti, or the first emperor of the Ch’in dynasty. The name China is derived from this dynasty. ( Ledoux, Trish Ancient Civilizations) With the assistance of a shrewd legalist minister, the First Emperor wielded the loose configuration of quasi-feudal states into an administratively centralized and culturally unified empire.

The hereditary aristocracies were abolished and their territories were then divided into smaller provinces that would Pearson 5 be governed by bureaucrats appointed by the emperor. The Ch’in capital, near the present-day city of Xi`an, became the first seat of imperial China. A standardized system of written characters was then adopted, and its use was made mandatory throughout the empire. To promote internal trade and economic integration the Ch’in standardized weights and measures, coinage, and axle widths.

Private landholdings was adopted, and laws and taxation were enforced equally and impersonally. The quest for cultural uniformity led the Ch’in to outlaw the many contending schools of philosophy that had flourished during the Chou. Only legalism was given official sanction, and in 213 B. C. the books of all other schools were burned, except for copies held by the Ch’in imperial library. (Ledoux) Shih Huang Ti also attempted to push the perimeter of Chinese civilization far beyond the outer boundaries of Chou dynasty. In the south his armies marched to the delta of Red River, in what is now Vietnam.

In the southwest the rim was extended to include most of the present-day provinces of Yunnan, Guizhou, and Sichuan. In the northwest his conquest reached as far as Lanzhou in present-day Gansu Province; and in the northeast, a portion of what today is Korea acknowledged the superiority of the Ch’in. The center of Chinese civilization, however, remained in the Huang He valley. Aside from the unification and expansion of China, The best known achievement of the Ch’in was the completion of the Great Wall. (Twitchett, Denis The Cambridge History of China Vol 1) Pearson 6

The Ch’in Empire ruled China around 200 BC. They unified all of the provinces under their rule and set up a strong system of government. This system included a huge system of taxes and required public labor of all of the citizens of China. The unification under the Ch’in Empire allowed public works projects to be unified on a vastly larger scale. Along with the use of tax-paying peasants for labor, the rulers also used convicts and other unfavorable groups to complete massive public works constructions such as highways, dams and walls. Twitchett, Denis The Cambridge History of China Vol 3)

The Great Wall’s construction was begun in 221 BC under the emperor Meng T’ien of the Ch’in Dynasty. Continual invasion and wars from the barbarians to the North drove the emperor to order its construction to protect the newly unified China. Meng T’ien’s Great Wall is described in his biography “He… built a Great Wall, constructing its defiles and passes in accordance with the configurations of the terrain. It started at Lin-t’ao and extended to Liao-tung, reaching a distance of more than ten thousand li. After crossing the [Yellow] River, it wound northward, touching the Yang Mountains”.

Cambridge 62) Although the wall is considered to be well under 10,000 li (one li is approximately a third of a mile) it was truly an amazing accomplishment. (Twitchet) Meng T’ien employed some 300,000 men in the creation of the original section of the wall. The building of such a massive wall would definitely be a massive undertaking. A wall that stretches through the wilderness is not easily accessed by supply lines, unlike a highway that creates its own supply Pearson 7 line. There was also a massive loss of life during the construction of the wall due to widespread disease and injury.

In fact it is an Ancient Chinese myth that each stone in the wall stands for a life lost in the wall’s construction. It is recorded that Meng T’ien’s section of the wall took only ten years to build, but it is believed that it actually took a substantially greater amount of time. (Delahoye, H.. Drege The Great Wall) After Meng T’ien’s original construction the wall was far from completed. Other walls were added to and encompassed within The Great Wall. The last major work on the wall was completed during the Ming Dynasty around 1500 CE. The Great Wall extends around 1500 miles in an east-west direction.

It travels through four provinces (Hebei, Shanxi, Shaanxi, and Gansu) beginning in northern Hebei and ending in the northwest Gansu province. The Great Wall is built of many different materials, from granite blocks to tamped earth. Ranging from 15 to 50 feet high with a base width between 15 and 30 feet, the wall has guard towers spread along the entire length of the wall. Although it is highly debated whether The Great Wall served its intended purpose of keeping the invaders out, it is truly one of the greatest accomplishments of all mankind. (Toy, Sydney. A History of Fortification)

The Great Wall of China was built by stacking mud or clay bricks one by one on top of each other. The brick, was first produced in a sun – dried form at least 6,000 years ago, and is the forerunner of a wide range of clay building products used today. It is the small building unit in the form of a rectangular block, formed Pearson 8 from clay, shale, or other mixtures and burned {fired} in a kiln, or oven, to produce strength, hardness, and heat resistance. The original concept of ancient brickmakers was that the unit should not be bigger than what one man could easily handle.

Today, brick size varies from country to country, and every nation’s brickmaking industry produces a range of sizes that may run well into the hundreds. ( Ledoux, Trish. Ancient Civilizations ) The Qin Dynasty was the one that finally was able to unite the split up sections of the walls. For the emperor has grandiose plans for the empire, and he used forced labor to accomplish them. Gangs of Chinese peasants were forced to dig canals, and build roads. The one thing however, the Qin thought to be especially important was to create a better barrier to the north.

Earlier rulers had built walls to prevent attacks by nomadic barbarians. First Emperor ordered that those walls to be connected, and complete the entire wall as one. Over the years, some 300,000 peasants toiled (and thousands died) before the work was done. Today the Great Wall of China stands as a monument to Qin? s ambition and to the peasants carried out their emperor? s wishes. ( The peasants at the time viewed Emperor Qin as cruel tyrant who had lost the Mandate of heaven. Nobles were angry because he had destroyed the aristocracy; scholars detested him for burning books; and peasants hated his forced-labor gangs.

In 210 B. C. Qin died, and soon after the dynasty itself came to an end. Even so, the rule of the Qin brought lasting changes. The most influential changes was that of the wall, for it still stands today, finished, and a Pearson 9 constant reminder to all of the once and mighty emperor. (Muyaka, Ho Chin, Huang River) This wall was used also as a barrier to isolate China, during it? s period of Isolationism before the many spheres of influence where put on China. The Great Wall was to not only give a physical barrier, but it also showed that the Chinese did not really want trade (among other things) with the rest of the world.

In today? s day and age The Great Wall of China is no longer used to fight off armed cavalry, but it is used more commonly now as a tourist attraction. Tourists from all over the world come to see the Great Wall, and take photos. It is widely known throughout China for other reasons as well. The Chinese people have used the Great Wall of China in many of their folklore and legends. It is said that the Great Wall actually has a sleeping dragon inside, and it is customary in China if new land is to be plotted that a holy man check it out first so as not to have the new building disrupt the sleeping dragon.

It has also been used for countless poems. One of the legends of the wall is that when a man was working on the wall he became fatigued, and a few of the guards buried him alive into the wall. When the wife of the man did not come back after the construction was completed she went to the capital to find him. After she had heard what happened the woman went into remorse, and became very depressed. It was then that the wall opened up and revealed to the woman the body of her departed husband. This is an old-wives tale that has been passed down Pearson 10 hroughout the years, but there is some truth to it.

For it was said, and evidence has been found, that many people were buried in the wall if the were unable to work. The Wall has also been approached by a man by the name of David Copperfield who, throughout his tricks walked through the wall. Tourism is also a very big thin in China, although The Great Wall is probably the thing seen most (since it is just about everywhere in china) other things such as the Forbidden City among other things draw tourists to China as well. The Great Wall of China is a masterpiece in a whole.

Even though it did take hundreds upon thousands human lives to build. It is a true symbol of China for what it did stand for, and also what it stands for now. China? s past was full of change, but China? s future will have the wall to look back upon as a constant reminder. The Great Wall of China is indeed a great architectural achievement for man, but what it has done to lives of the Chinese people the magnitude cannot possibly be measured in the wall itself. The Wall of China is a large creation, but it still has many secrets that most are not aware of.

The Three Gorges Dam

The Three Gorges Dam project on China’s Yangzi River is the world’s largest hydroelectric undertaking. While Chinese leaders say the dam will improve river navigation, prevent periodic flooding, and provide the needed electricity for China’s growing economy, many doubt that the dam will be able to meet the proponents’ claims and instead point to evidence of environmental catastrophe if it is built. Under pressure from NGOs, the Clinton Administration has opposed the provision of competitive export financing for the dam.

This decision sparked criticism from U. S. cutives who argue that by not participating the United States is losing jobs and the opportunity to mitigate the negative aspects of the dam. This paper argues that the U. S. position was justified. As part of a consistent and credible environmental policy to promote sustainable development, the United States should integrate environmental guidelines into its commercial diplomacy. U. S. policy towards China should provide support for prudent environmental policies as well as environmental technology transfers, both to foster environmentalism and advance U. S. commercial interests.

Construction of the Three Gorges Dam on China’s Yangzi River began in earnest in late November 1997, perhaps marking the end of almost 15 years of debate on the project among American policymakers. However, the case highlights a key dilemma in U. S. foreign policy-making that is likely to remain for years to come: how to balance U. S. commercial interests with environmental concerns. Though lauded by environmentalists, the Export-Import (Ex-Im) Bank’s decision not to provide financing for U. S. equipment suppliers vying for dam-related contracts has been criticized roundly by American corporations.

They claim the policy hampers their efforts to break into the lucrative Chinese market. The prospect of similar potentially destructive megadams being proposed in other emerging economies means that U. S. policy on the Three Gorges Dam sets a precedent that will either aid or hamper American efforts to promote sounder environmental policies abroad. This paper will examine the Ex-Im Bank’s decision and its implications for U. S. foreign environmental policy. To this end, it will first outline the rationales behind support for and opposition to the project, including an evaluation of the net environmental impact of the dam.

The following section will consider several issues raised by the case in order to assess the merits of the U. S. government’s stance. The paper concludes with some recommendations for a more credible and consistent U. S. foreign environmental policy. The concept of the Three Gorges Dam is over 75 years old, dating back to when it was first proposed by the nationalist leader Sun Yat-Sen, in 1919. The dam was a dream of communist leader Mao Zedong, who felt it would be a potent symbol of China’s self-sufficiency and ability to develop without western aid.

In 1992, Chinese leaders officially announced plans to harness the river’s power by constructing the world’s largest hydroelectric dam only after communist leaders managed to silence opposition and pushed the plan through the National People’s Congress. The Three Gorges refers to a 120-mile stretch of limestone cliffs along the upper reaches of the Yangzi River where the water drops precipitously through the Qutang, Wu, and Xiling gorges. The region is linked to folklore and important historical events, and its beauty has inspired Chinese painters and classical poets such as Li Bai for centuries.

Since the dam’s approval, however, the project has met with significant opposition, both domestic and international, as human rights groups, environmentalists, and historians decry the extraordinary costs the dam will incur. The dam, which will be 1. 3 miles long and 610 feet high, is expected to be completed by 2009. It will create a 385 mile-long reservoir stretching back up the river that will totally engulf the Three Gorges, as well as 115,000 acres of rich farmland, thirteen cities, hundreds of villages, and countless historic temples and archeological sites. Between 1. d 1. 9 million people will need to be resettled.

The project poses significant ecological dangers, technical challenges, and human rights issues and has raised questions about the rights of other industrialized nations to intervene in Chinese internal affairs. It is the largest, most expensive, and perhaps most hazardous hydroelectric project ever attempted. Both its technical and social dimensions are staggering. In China, the project has fueled a heated debate over its feasibility and scientists as well as concerned citizens fear an economic and ecological catastrophe.

According to some, the economic, social, and ecological costs of completing the dam are not warranted (International Rivers Network 1997). Experts from around the world believe the dam cannot control the river nor meet China’s electricity demand (Kahn 1994, Burton 1994, Pearce 1995, Sullivan 1995). After conducting a four-year study of the project’s feasibility, the World Bank concluded that the project design is not “an economically viable proposition,” and refused financing. In November 1997, however, the Three Gorges Dam project entered a crucial phase. The Yangzi River was diverted and construction commenced.

The Chinese government has invited foreign companies to take part in the project with the prospect of lucrative exports and entry into the biggest emerging market in the world. The Japanese, German, French and Canadian governments have stepped forward to help their companies garner a piece of the project. However, under pressure from environmental non-governmental organizations (NGOs), the Clinton administration has opposed the provision of competitive export financing through the Ex-Im Bank, citing concerns about the adverse environmental effects, human rights violations, and economic consequences.

American companies have thus been left out of the game. The decision has sparked considerable criticism from U. S. executives who argue that while the project is controversial, not only is the dam being built, but it is proceeding ahead of schedule. If bids by American firms were approved by the Chinese government, they say, $1 billion of exports to the project would generate over 19,000 American jobs and assure entry into the booming Chinese market for U. S. companies. In the meantime, these jobs are going to foreign competitors.

By not ives argue, the United States is not only losing thousands of American jobs, but also the opportunity to mitigate the negative aspects of the dam. Moreover, they complain that the Chinese market, already one of the world’s most competitive, is made more so for American companies because the U. S. government does not always separate political from commercial considerations. On the other hand, backers of the administration’s decision argue that the United States has the moral obligation to stand up for the environment and human rights.

They also argue that the withholding of economic benefits is the quickest, and sometimes only, way to get the attention of uncooperative foreign governments, even in cases where the outcome appears futile. Since this is the first attempt to build a dam of this magnitude, different opinions regarding the benefits, duration, and cost of the construction have been formulated. On the one hand, it is obvious that the construction of the dam will result in the flooding of a sizable area of land, including entire villages and historical sites.

On the other hand, proponents of the dam claim that the introduction of such a large amount of clean hydroelectric power into China’s rapidly expanding economy might mean a significant reduction in the emission of fossil fuel pollution. Experts warn that the success of the Three Gorges Dam is not guaranteed, and disagree as to the net environmental impact of the project. A critical question here is whether the environmental concerns of China can be considered a U. S. national interest. Should that be the case, do the developed nations have a right to dictate which environmental impact is more appropriate to China?

Should environmental concerns be a part of U. S. commercial policy? Should the U. S. government continue to push the Ex-Im Bank? Should U. S. trade policy continue to try to change foreign government’s behavior by unilaterally imposing trade sanctions? In the following sections, we will examine the U. S. policy towards the Three Gorges Dam. First, we examine the project’s net environmental impact and describe the position of the United States. Next, we will discuss the issues raised by the case as outlined above.

The concluding section will outline some recommendations for future U. S. foreign environmental policy. Chinese leaders argue that the dam will overall have beneficial effects. First, it will generate 18,000 megawatts of electricity, which would decrease by one tenth the country’s reliance on coal power, and thus reduce the amount of pollution over China’s citiesone of the most severe problems in China today. Second, it will prevent the periodic flooding of the Yangzi which has already claimed half a million lives this century.

At present, 15 million lives are at stake as the river rises ever higher above the surrounding land because of sediment deposits on the river bed, while dikes can no longer be raised safely (Veltrop 1997). The dam is expected to cut incidence of serious floods from once in 10 years to once in 100 years (Xinhua News Agency 1997, China Says Three 1997, Veltrop 1997). Third, it will make the upper part of the Yangzi more navigable, “raising the river’s navigable tonnage by a big margin” (China Says Three 1997).

Improved navigability would allow ocean-going freighters to penetrate the depths of China’s remote Southwest, bringing much needed economic development and prosperity to the region. The project is also expected to develop reservoir fisheries, stimulate tourism in and around the reservoir, improve water quality downstream, protect the lake areas downstream, and enable south-to-north water transfer sometime in the next century (Veltrop 1997). Since market liberalization in 1979, China’s vast economy has grown at a breakneck pace, regularly topping 10 percent annual growth.

Accompanying this rapid industrialization has been a tremendous increase in demand for electrical power and coal burning power plants have introduced enormous amounts of pollution over most cities. Pulmonary disease has become the nation’s leading cause of death. This heavy pollution has international repercussions as well. Japan, Korea and Taiwan already suffer under the acid rain created by Chinese sulfur emissions. China has now become the world’s second leading producer of greenhouse gases.

If current growth rates continue, China will need to develop an additional 17,000 megawatts of energy per year for the next decadeeventually reaching an amount equal to total United States generating capacity today (Burton 1994). If coal is used to produce the additional power, the environmental impacts could be extremely serious and certainly would not be limited to within China’s boundaries. However, environmentalists and experts from around the world, as well as eminent scientists and economists within China, do not see the dam as a viable solution to the problem.

Whether or not the Three Gorges Dam is ever finished, however, experts say hydropower will account for no more than 20 percent of China’s electricity generated by year 2010 (Burton 1994). That leaves no way around a heavy dependence on coal, used widely ot only to fuel China’s industrial boom, but also to heat homes for a population growing by 15 million people a year. Forecasts indicate that China’s emissions of carbon dioxide will increase from approximately 2. 8 billion tons in 1993 to 5. 5 billion tons in 2020 (China Looks At 1996).

Experts say that the best China can hope for is to cut coal’s portion of the energy mix from 75 to 60 percent by the year 2010 (Burton 1994). Even if China was able to improve its large electric power plants, it would not touch the needs of small industrial plants and millions of households for coal. China’s most pressing need is therefore to find cleaner, more efficient ways to burn the fossil fuel, reducing emissions of carbon dioxide, sulfur compounds, and the incompletely combusted particles that form soot.

Domestic opposition to the dam has centered largely on the poor record of China’s Ministry of Water Resources, which includes the collapse of 62 dams in the Henan province in 1975 because of poor engineering and design. The resulting torrents of water wiped out whole cities and took the lives of an estimated 150,000 people (Sullivan 1995). Over 10 million contracted diseases and suffered starvation before the area could be restored and, because the Chinese government never acknowledged the disaster, it was not raised in hearings on the Three Gorges project (Topping 1995).

Anti-dam lobbyists have been calling for an investigation of the Three Gorges construction plans and pushing for more government accountability with the hope of averting the resulting catastrophe if the 36 billion cubic yards of water to be dammed were ever to be released, either due to structural failure or an act of war. Scientists predict that collapse of the megadam would produce a flood 40 times larger than the one caused by the collapse of all 62 iron dams combined, engulfing dozens of towns, and imperiling 10 million Chinese (Topping 1995).

The Ministry, however, has denied requests for public comment on the project and has often refused to consider independent opinions from China’s private sector (Ibid. ). International environmental groups are concerned that the dam will destroy the natural habitats of many of China’s indigenous wildlife species, including the Chinese alligator, the white crane, the river dolphin, and the prehistoric Chinese sturgeon, a fish unique to Yangzi waters (Burton 1994).

In addition, contamination of the river by toxic chemicals may dramatically increase if the 1,600 factories in the area are not cleaned up and moved before the waters begin to rise (Sullivan 1995). Experts warn that, by forever changing the hydrology of the river for thousands of miles, the dam will destroy commercial fish stocks and eprive the complex floodplain agricultural systems of the water and silt they need, thereby threatening the livelihoods of 75 million people who live by fishing or farming along the Yangzi’s bank.

They also point out that the soon to be flooded land of Waxian prefecture is far more fertile than the high ground to which everyone will soon be moved (Stopping the Yangzi’s 1997). Seismologists fear that the weight of the reservoir water will trigger a fault line which lies beneath the proposed area, causing a massive earthquake and perhaps rupturing the dam itself (Kahn 1994, Sullivan 1995).

Experts in hydrology are concerned that the Yangzi’s high levels of silt and sedimentabout 500 billion cubic meter each yearwill clog drainage outlets and create backlogs, possibly flooding upstream cities (Kahn 1994, Sullivan 1995, Topping 1995). The Wall Street Journal reported that the amount of silt is so large that it could turn the dam reservoir into a giant mud pie in a matter of months. The silt problem may also impede the passage of large vessels by creating shifting sandbars and channels.

At present, China does not have the technology to control the flow of river silt through the dam project. A detailed four-year evaluation of the Three Gorges Dam project, funded in the late 1980s by the Canadian government and the World Bank at a cost of $14 million, warned that as the silt is carried downriver and deposited in the reservoir the Yangzi will tend to alter its course, thus increasing the risk of disastrous flood. American engineers who visited the site also concluded that the project would not prevent flooding (Pearce 1995).

The dam may also obstruct, rather than improve, navigation by making shipping vulnerable to an untested lock system that will prohibit the passage of ships whenever serious technical problems arise (Three Gorges Dam 1997). Some critics say that the three goals of power generation, improved navigation, and flood control are incompatible (Stopping the Yangzi’s 1997). The increased sedimentation and the need to substantially lower the reservoir water level in the summer for flood control would limit power generation and interfere with navigation.

They point out that oceangoing vessels could not clear the bridges in Nanjing and Wuhan and enormous locks of unprecedented scale would have to be constructed (Topping 1995). The Three Gorges Dam is expected to cost more than any other single construction project in history (Kahn 1994). Critics have warned that China’s leaders are so determined to build this project, they may have neglected to determine whether it is economically viable. Since construction has begun, the price tag has continued to soar. As late as 1992 the official cost of the dam was $11 billion.

Estimates now exceed $75 billion (Kahn 1994, Burton 1994, Pearce 1995). One critic contends cost could total $77 billion, a sum so great that it could slow China’s recent economic boom (Kahn 1994). Some economists believe that the dam will never make economic sense. A 1994 review of design and financing plans suggested a benefit-cost ratio of 0. 8, meaning that China could never recoup its investment through flood control or electricity benefits, much less make the project a commercial contributor (Ibid. ).

Several opponents of the dam argue that for a lower price, numerous smaller dams could produce more power and greater flood control benefits (Burton 1994, Topping 1995). Such a plan would avert the need for massive population relocation and eliminate the risk of a giant flood. Although ten projects smaller than the Three Gorges are under construction on the upper reaches of the Yangzi and its tributaries, progress is stalling as resources are funneled into the megadam. Given this evidence, we conclude that the economic and environmental cost of the dam outweigh its potential benefits.

The Three Gorges Dam is not a viable solution to China’s navigational or flood control needs, nor is it a prudent approach to China’s energy and environmental problems. The United States was one of the first countries to express interest in participating in the dam project. In the mid-1980s, government and business collaborated on a Three Gorges working group that conducted a feasibility study of the dam with the aim of winning contracts for American companies.

Among the major corporate players recruited by the U. S. Bureau of Reclamation for the study were Bechtel and Merrill Lynch (Tomlinson 1997). In 1985, the working group proposed to the Chinese that the dam be built as a joint venture with selected members of the group. The Bureau of Reclamation was actually hired in the waning days of the Bush Administration by the Chinese to do technical consulting work on the dam. But in 1993, when the Clinton Administration took office, Interior Secretary Bruce Babbitt canceled the project under pressure from environmental NGOs.

In 1992, because of the increasing influence of more environmentally-attuned officials appointed by President Clinton, the Congress added a requirement to the Ex-Im Bank’s mandate that environmental reviews be conducted for foreign projects that sought its backing, and the project became the first serious test of the new guidelines. The Ex-Im Bank asked the National Security Council (NSC) to convene a panel to evaluate the costs and benefits of American participation. In 1993, the U. S. Bureau of Reclamation stated officially that it was no longer convinced that megadams were economically feasible or environ entally sound.

It also stated that it will not fund any such dams anywhere in the world. In September 1995, the interagency NSC panel recommended to the Ex-Im Bank that it should not help finance American companies in bids to assist in the construction of the dam. Deputy National Security Adviser Samuel R. Berger cited three broad reasons why the Bank should not support the project: First, we think it would be unwise for the United States Government to align itself with a project that raises environmental and human rights concerns on the scale of the Three Gorges.

Second, any decision to provide assistance would present legal difficulties as environmental and human rights group are threatening to sue the Bank if it became involved. Third, the White House has expressed concern about the project’s financial viability as private bankers and the World Bank have raised serious questions about the Chinese government’s estimates of its cost and economic benefits (Dunne 1995). The memo also added a clause that counseled the government to “refrain from publicly condemning the Three Gorges project,” and to “emphasize the U. S. ernment’s commitment to strengthening commercial relations with China and to helping China meet its basic energy needs” so as to avoid afflicting already strained United States-China relations (Companies Turn Up 1996).

Eight months later, the Ex-Im Bank recanted its former proposition that large hydroelectric projects are environmentally beneficial, and voted unanimously not to issue a letter of interest for the project. According to Martin Kamarck, Ex-Im Bank chairman at the time of the ruling, China had failed to “establish the project’s consistency with the Bank’s environmental guidelines” (Tomlinson 1997).

This marked the first time the Ex-Im Bank refused financing on purely environmental grounds (Ex-Im Bank Rejects 1996). The Ex-Im Bank, however, stated that if the Yangzi Three Gorges Project Development Corporation, the project’s sponsor, provided additional information on plans to mitigate environmental degradation, it would reconsider its position. It also stressed that its decision would not in any way limit or impede American companies from doing business related to the project on private terms or with financing from other sources.

However, because China demands export credit guarantees (essentially insurance to cover contracts) and supporting loans from contractors on all major Three Gorges deals, the Ex-Im Bank’s ruling hindered most U. S. -based applicants’ chances. As construction proceeds, the Japanese, Germans, French, and Canadians have stepped forward to help their companies garner a piece of the project, while American firms look on and suffer losses that they say could amount to over $1 billion in exports and 19,000 jobs.

Using private financing over the past few years, for example, Rotec Industries, an Elmhurst, Illinois engineering firm has sold cranes and conveyor belts worth around $50 million to the dam developers and executives reckon a further $100 million of similar equipment will be needed (Tomlinson 1997). But without export credit guarantees the company has lost some potential business to a consortium led by Mitsubishi, which is backed by Japanese export credit guarantees.

Caterpillar estimates it lost out on $200 million in sales as a result of the Ex-Im Bank decision. The decision “gave an enormous advantage to our European and Japanese competitors,” said William Lane, chief lobbyist for the company in Washington, in a recent interview (Ibid. ). Some U. S. companies were forced to use overseas subsidiaries to stay in the running for the project: Westinghouse and GEboth of which lack hydropower expertise in the United Statesrouted their bids for Three Gorges work through Canadian subsidiaries (only the GE bid was successful).

And Voith’s American subsidiary was forced to withdraw from the tender in favor of its German parent, which won $85 million in contracts (Ibid. ). According to the U. S. business lobby, more is at stake than even the hundreds of millions of dollars of contracts. American executives argue that the Three Gorges project is a key way to establish a foothold in China, the world’s fastest growing market (Contest Heats Up 1997). Caterpillar, for instance, sees participation in a showpiece project like the dam as a way of developing good relations with local officials and companies.

Since doing business in China is all about establishing relationships, companies are gambling that profits will materialize in the future as the market continues to grow and opens further to foreign investment. These companies see acquiring a stake in the dam project as a way of gaining a “first-mover’s” advantage. Critics argue that the Clinton administration’s decision illustrates the seeming futility of the increasingly frequent U. S. practice of trying to change a foreign government’s behavior by unilaterally imposing economic sanctions.

While he United States has led the international environmental opposition to the project by withholding low-cost government financing for the $30 billion project, the high-minded effort has had little discernible effect on the massive venture. The they say, is one of the most visible examples of such American initiatives, but there are many (Iritani 1997). The critics also contend that the ability of one nation, even a superpower, to cripple other governments by imposing economic penalties is increasingly ineffective in a global economy where foreign competitors will happily fill any void.

They claim that the real victims of U. S. government sanctions are the American companies forced out of potentially lucrative markets and labeled as unreliable trading partners. And they call for a policy of “constructive engagement,” which entails maintaining economic ties while pushing for change through normal diplomatic channels and multilateral organizations. The Three Gorges Dam case is also an example of how efforts to promote trade come in conflict with political concerns.

The issue is particularly relevant in considering U. S. foreign policy towards China. In its relations with China, the United States has long been torn between engagement and disengagement. This division is currently at work in trade policy, with experts advocating the necessity of free trade and activists leading public opinion by highlighting its costs. The renewal of China’s Most Favored Nation (MFN) trading status has been controversial ever since the Chinese government’s 1989 assault on pro-democracy demonstrators in Tiananmen Square.

However, consistent with his predecessors since the 1970s, President Clinton argues that maintaining normal trade relations is the best way to integrate China further into the family of nations, promote American interests and ideals, and increase U. S. government influence with the Chinese government. In addition, if the United States were to revoke China’s normal trading status, it would jeopardize access to one of the world’s most rapidly growing emerging markets, one that already supports 170,000 American jobs and doubtless will support more in the years ahead (Favoring China 1997).

In fact, the United States is China’s largest export market. The U. S. trade deficit with China jumped 17 percent last year to $39. 5 billion, a larger imbalance than with any other country except Japan (Ibid. ). Experts agree that opening U. S. markets to China has indeed had a beneficial effect and that China is displaying a greater willingness to accept international rules (Favoring China 1997 and Friend or Foe 1997). However, U. S. policy makers are often caught between the above needs and their obligation to act as leaders by sending a signal to the international community when necessary.

Environmental degradation in China poses a threat not only to the Chinese people, but also to the global population as a whole. The state of China’s environment is of concern, particularly as there seems to be little hope for a reversal of current trends. Such trends include the enormous population pressures the country faces, the political problems involved in laying off the thousands of laborers who work in polluting factories, and the fact that despite official recognition of the magnitude of the problem.

Chinese environmental officials concede priority to economic development in the short to medium-term. The promotion of sustainable development in China must therefore be considered to be in the U. S. national interest. Is China’s Environment a U. S. National Interest? This is an issue that is not specific to United States-China relations, but one that is relevant to international relations in general though it is most often debated in the context of North-South relations.

Whether or not a specific problem should concern American policy makers depends on whether it has ramifications that transcend national borders. The creation of the Three Gorges Dam reservoir will spell the extinction of several known and, possibly, numerous undiscovered species of flora and fauna. Ecologists such as Paul Ehrlich have posited that the loss of even “minor” species could upset the delicate balance of ecosystems, leading to major ecological disruptions and sometimes greater losses further up the food pyramid.

Moreover, the loss of biodiversity also “deprives humanity of substances needed to produce new medicines, crop varieties and other products through biotechnology” (UN Chronicle 1997, 17). The weight of these arguments depends on the likelihood and extent to which these developments will transpire. But even if the above claims are accepted at face value, the true cost in economic and more subjective terms is impossible to measure. It is this uncertainty that makes it problematic to characterize environmental degradation in foreign countries as a U. S. national interest.

Put bluntly, the connection between the extinction of the river dolphin and U. S. national interests, broadly defined, is simply too tenuous to gain the support of policy makers and the public without spending a significant amount of political capital. Indeed, even within the United States it has been difficult to convince Americans that preserving the spotted owl was worth the loss of forestry jobs in Washington State. However, when environmental conditions in foreign countries impact surrounding nations or the global environment, the case for U. S. ervention is easier to make for several reasons.

First, the potential deleterious effects of environmental degradation on economic growth represent a threat to American export markets and the health of the nation’s economy. Acid rain caused by sulfur emissions from Chinese factories and households has caused billions of dollars of damage to Japan and South Korea’s forests. In order to mitigate the effects, these major markets for U. S. exports are forced to divert economic resources which could otherwise be used to build stronger economies or buy more American products (Esty 1997).

Second, the damage that China is inflicting on itself gives rise to similar concerns. Given that China is expected to be an engine of growth for the Asia Pacific region as well as the rest of the world in the next century, the drag on China’s economic growth that environmental degradation will bring has serious implications for the American economy. Third, Thomas Homer-Dixon has written extensively on how resource scarcities can lead to regional instability by spurring transnational migrations or enticing nations to attempt to expand their territories (Homer-Dixon 1994, 540).

In April 1996, U. S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher’s allusion to China’s “enormous environmental pressures” underscored fears in the region that resource scarcity within China translates into threat of war and conquest beyond its borders (A Greener China 1996). If such a conflict were to occur, American military and economic leadership would likely be required to bring about a peaceful resolution. What is ironic about the Three Gorges Dam debate is that the project is aimed partly at reducing China’s reliance on coal as an energy source.

Therefore, at first glance the position taken by the Clinton administration seems to contradict its interest in promoting Chinese efforts to clean up the environment. However, it is important to clarify that the basis of the administration’s policy decision rests on concerns about the questionable benefits and likely costs of the megaproject, rather than disagreement over the need for cleaner sources of energy.

Chinese Economics Essay

The social values and history have shaped and formed the economical developments and the current environment of business in the People’s Republic of China. They have determined the patterns for negotiation and the Chinese perceptions of business, and their feelings towards westerners. The implicit and explicit rules that the Chinese society has on the development of businesses, and the economy in general, are very important issues for any person going into China to understand and consider.

In order to achieve a successful partnership between Chinese and Western cultures it is essential to have a basic understanding of history and cultural developments that have shaped the current environment of business. The three pillars of China are economy, culture, and society. Economy The Chinese economy has been formed as a result of centuries of history and development, which reflect the philosophy of China and its current economical position. China started as a mainly agricultural based society with the subsistence group; the family.

For more than 2000 years the Chinese economy operated under a type of feudal system; land was concentrated in the hands of a elatively small group of landowners whose income depended on rents from their peasant tenants. Agricultural taxes levied by the imperial government and crop yields subject to drought and floods kept agriculture relatively underdeveloped and organized in small units with the use of primitive methods for basic subsistence. The conclusion of the Opium War of 1840 formally initiated a period of Western penetration of China from the coastal treaty ports.

Railroads and highways were constructed, and some industrial development began. Such activity had little impact, however, on the overall Chinese economy. In effect, China was carved up into a number of competing colonial spheres of influence. Japan, which tried to attach China to its East Asia prosperity Sphere, was able to create only isolated nodes of a modern economy. The Chinese Communist party emerged in the 1920s in the midst of a mounting economic crisis caused by foreign intervention and increased landlord influence in the countryside.

For more than two decades, it expanded its control over large rural areas by introducing an agrarian program based on the control of rent and usury, and by giving power to peasant associations. On October 1, 1949, the Communist party successfully established a unified national government and economy on the mainland for the first time since the end of the imperial period in 1912. From 1949 to 1952 the emphasis was on halting inflation and ending food shortages and unemployment.

The new government initiated a land reform program that redistributed land to 300 million poor peasants into cooperative farms. In 1958 the rural people’s communes were established, and these dominated agriculture in China until the early 1980s. The commune was based on the collective ownership of all land and ajor tools by its members, who produced mainly to meet state planning targets and who were rewarded according to the work they performed, although basic necessities were guaranteed to all members.

In the urban-industrial sector, state ownership of property and of industrial and commercial enterprises was gradually extended. Industry grew steadily from heavy investment under the first five-year plan, and the state-owned sector achieved an overwhelming importance. The second five-year plan was introduced in 1958, trying to get China ahead into industrialization. This program was characterized by large investments in heavy ndustry and the establishment of small-scale versions of such industries as steel refining.

The program, however, caused great disruptions in economic management and in rational economic growth, and in 1960 the program had to be abandoned. The Chinese economy then entered a period of readjustment, but by 1965 production in many fields again approached the level of the late 1950s. The third five-year plan began in 1966, but both agricultural and industrial production were severely curtailed by the effects of the Cultural Revolution; a fourth five-year plan was introduced in 1971 as the economy began its recovery.

After eliminating the vestiges of the Cultural Revolution in 1976, China’s leaders decided to move at a faster pace on all economic fronts to make up for the loss suffered in the preceding ten years. A fifth five-year program began in 1976 but was interrupted in 1978, when the Four-Modernization program was launched. It included the modernization of agriculture, industry, national defense, and science and technology. A ten-year plan for 1976-85 stressed improvement in economic management and a larger role for private and collectively owned (as opposed to state-owned) enterprises.

This program was superseded by a more modest ten-year plan for 1981-90, but efforts to attract Western technology and investment continued, as did a program of incentives to increase agricultural production. Policies introduced in October 1984 called for further decentralization of economic planning and for increased reliance on market forces to determine the prices of consumer goods. China has potential to be the biggest market of the world with 1. 3 billion people. Furthermore, it posses billions of unexplored resources and the biggest and cheapest labor force in Asia.

The size and underdevelopment make it a potential monster that has created interest in every investing and developing country in the world. The Chinese economy is an increasing economic possibility for anyone. Culture & Society Chinese culture and society can be divided into two major periods, Imperial China and Communist China. The modern Chinese society can be defined as a combination of centuries of values and communist propaganda achievements. The imperial China had a strong class system where 90% of the people were poor and possessed limited resources to develop culturally, socially and personally.

This situation led to the strength of the large family and the basis for the distinctive collectivism of China. The well being of the family and the state are the main goals for any action in society. If actions taken do not contribute to the family or the society as a whole, then the actions will not be regarded as proper. Eliminating almost any form of individualistic thinking. The Chinese Family is the main economic unit of society. The development of the Chinese economy is based on the family. The Chinese family is the economic unit in which members produce and consume in common.

Also, it is the religious unit responsible for the performing of rites required for the well being of the family. The social security of the Chinese family relies on the effective performance and interaction between religion and family. These concepts strongly clash with western individualism collection of wealth for personal gain. A clear example of this is the overseas Chinese control family-run business empires that already dominate much of Asia. They invest billions in China, helping their ancestral homeland become the world’s fastest-growing economy.

Together, China nd its approximately 56 million offshore Chinese are the most important commercial and political forces for China and reflect, again the family based economic strategy that they follow. In addition to the traditional imperial Chinese society, the Communist values shape and blend into modern Chinese philosophy. One of the early acts of the Chinese Communist party after it gained control in 1949 was to officially eliminate organized religion. Previously the dominant religions in China had been Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism.

Most temples and schools of these four religions were converted to secular purposes. Only with the constitution of 1978 was official support again given for the allowance of formal religion in China. The constitution also stated that the Chinese population had the right to hold religious beliefs. Moreover, China has a long and rich cultural tradition in which education has played a major role. Throughout the imperial period (221 BC-AD 1912), only the educated have held positions of social and political leadership.

In 124 BC the first university was established for training prospective bureaucrats in Confucian learning and the Chinese classics. Historically, however, few Chinese have been able to take the time to learn the complex language and it’s associated literature. It is estimated that as late as 1949 only 20% of China’s population was literate. To the Chinese Communists, this illiteracy was a stumbling block for the promotion of their political programs. Therefore, the Communists combined political propaganda with educational development.

Chinese education has been strongly affected by the communism in China. Since education was for the rich and privileged during imperial age of China. One of the most ambitious programs of he Communist party has been the establishment of universal public education for their large population. In the first two years of the new government (1949-51) more than 60 million peasants enrolled in “winter schools,” or sessions, established to take advantage of the slack season for agricultural workers.

Mao declared that a dominant goal of education was to reduce the sense of class distinction. This was to be accomplished by reducing the social gaps between manual and mental labor, between the city and countryside residents and between the worker in the factory and the peasant on the land. After long eriods of breaks and changes in policies colleges reopened in 1970-72. Admission was granted to many candidates because of their political leanings, party activities, and peer-group support.

This method of selection ceased in 1977, as the Chinese launched their new campaign for the Four Modernizations. The governments stated goals for rapid modernization in agriculture, industry, defense, and science and technology required high levels of training. Such educational programs by necessity had to be based on theoretical and formal skills more than on political attitudes and the spirit of revolution. After the revolution every thing changed in China. The stability of social values and structure where the highest achievement for the Chinese philosophy.

These values where already deep in the Chinese culture; however, they were strengthened with communism and used into the development of China. The Chinese society had become a combination of strong family and moral values and a country thriving for modernization and industrialization. This concept of stability as the highest achievement obstructed the development of China in the past, and still creates problems today. The sole concept of risks disturbs the grounds of Chinese culture in contrast to western society where risk is the main drive for development and investment.

Business Development in China The radical change from imperialism and strong class differences to the equality philosophy implemented by Mao Tse Tung created the modern China. Its development from feudalism to communism created a conservative China, with very few attempts to move towards capitalism. It was through the imperial years that mercantilism and trade took place, yet it never flourished, as the capitalistic model westerners now, until China’s re-opening to the western world in the 70’s. China has always had the elements for development.

In fact, they could very well have had an industrial revolution before England. China possessed many key elements that transformed Europe into a modernized industrial economy (compass, printing, gunpowder, etc). Nevertheless, there is much more to China than just industrial and economical development. Thus, when considering developing a business in China one should always consider the cultural factors that makes the Chinese society so strong and differentiating it from western societies. The fact that

China wants to grow, does not mean that it will do it with the western models and philosophy, rather it will be with models developed from their own culture. This is the point that can be attributed to cause most of the problems between Chinese and Western cultures, and the point to be accepted in order to be successful in developing a successful business relationship in China. Negotiating in China can be very frustrating. Differences in decision making styles and negotiating tactics cause misunderstanding and tension. Chinese culture is based on the importance of rituals and ceremonies and so is Chinese usiness.

Business meetings are as important as the dealings during receptions. To exemplify the process of dealing with China in order to develop a productive relationship we will use the case of Kentucky Fried Chicken in China. This case includes the different problems and strategies used in the negotiation and development of business in China, specifically in setting up a foreign joint venture. However, the problems that arise and the current working environment of the Chinese economy cannot be understood without first understanding the history and the cultural revolutions that have shaped it.

Comparative Political Systems – China

Administratively, The Peoples Republic of China is made up of twenty-two provinces, five autonomous regions, and four centrally administered cities, and one Special Administrative Region. The Making of the Modern Chinese State The PRC is one of only a few countries in the world that is still a Communist party-state. This is a political system which the ruling Communist Party holds a monopoly on political power, claims the right to lead or control all government and social institutions, and proclaims allegiance (at least officially) to the ideology of Marxism-Leninism.

The PRC can be compared with other Communist party-states with which it shares or has shared many political and ideological features. Napoleon Bonaparte, emperor of France in the early nineteenth century, is said to have remarked Let China sleep. For when China wakes, it will shake the world. The growth of Chinas economy, since Deng Xiaoping began his market-oriented reforms in the late 1970s, has been called one of the centurys greatest economic miracles, which has, in turn, led to one of the biggest improvements in human welfare anywhere at any time.

During the same period, the average income of the Chinese people quadrupled, and although there are still many very poor people in China, more than 200 million have been lifted from living in absolute poverty to a level where they have a minimally adequate supply of food, clothing and shelter. The PRC by far the most important in terms of size and power. The underlying political and ideological principles of party-state organization are clearly laid out in Chinas current constitution.

The government of the PRC is organizationally and functionally distinct from the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The power of the Communist Partyparticularly the nearly unchecked power of the top twenty-five or thirty leadersis at the heart of governance and policy-making in China. Party domination, however, does not mean that the system operates in a monolithic way. In fact, the system wriggles with politics of many kinds, formal and informal.

The CCP describes the government of the Peoples Republic as a socialist democracy, which it claims is superior to democracy in a capitalist country. The formal structures of the Chinese political system are designed more to extend state control of political life than to facilitate citizen participation in politics. Therefore, people make extensive use of their personal connections based on kinship, friendship, and other ties (guanxi) to help ease their contacts with the bureaucrats and party officials who wield such enormous power over so many aspects of their lives.

There are deep doubts about the ability of the CCP to continue to manage the economy effectively because of its reluctance to make even more fundamental changes, such as extending the market reforms to sectors of the economy that remain under state control, like banking and the production of steel and oil. Beyond money, the Internet is also spurring a sense of nationalism among many of the Net entrepreneurs. They think the Internet can help them draw level with the West. This is the first time we see a way we Chinese can catch up, says Jack Ma, head of Alibaba. m, an e-commerce site based in Hangzhou.

Economic reform in China has already created groups and processes, interests and ideas that are likely to become sources of pressure for more and faster political change. The experience of the newly industrializing countries and other developing countries suggest that such pressures are likely to intensify as the economy and society continue to modernize. Consequently, at some point in the not-too-distant future, the CCP may again face the challenge of the democratic idea.

Classical Chinese theory of mind

Classical Chinese theory of mind is similar to Western “folk psychology” in that both mirror their respective background view of language. They differ in ways that fit those folk theories of language. The core Chinese concept is xin (the heart-mind). As the translation suggests, Chinese folk psychology lacked a contrast between cognitive and affective states ([representative ideas, cognition, reason, beliefs] versus [desires, motives, emotions, feelings]). The xin guides action, but not via beliefs and desires. It takes input from the world and guides action in light of it.

Most thinkers share those core beliefs. Herbert Fingarette argued that Chinese (Confucius at least) had no psychological theory. Along with the absence of belief-desire explanation of action, they do not offer psychological (inner mental representation) explanations of language (meaning). We find neither the focus on an inner world populated with mental objects nor any preoccupation with questions of the correspondence of the subjective and objective worlds. Fingarette explained this as reflecting an appreciation of the deep conventional nature of both linguistic and moral meaning.

He saw this reflected in the Confucian focus on li (ritual) nd its emphasis on sociology and history rather than psychology. The meaning, the very existence, of a handshake depends on a historical convention. It rests on no mental acts such as sincerity or intent. The latter may accompany the conventional act and give it a kind of aesthetic grace, but they do not explain it. Fingarette overstates the point, of course. It may not be psychologistic in its linguistic or moral theory, but Confucianism still presupposes a psychology, albeit not the familiar individualist, mental or cognitive psychology.

Its account of human function in conventional, historical society presupposes some ehavioral and dispositional traits. Most Chinese thinkers indeed appear to presuppose that humans are social, not egoistic or individualistic. The xin coordinates our behavior with others. Thinkers differed in their attitude toward this natural social faculty. Some thought we should reform this tendency and try harder to become egoists, but most approved of the basic “goodness” of people. Most also assumed that social discourse influenced how the heart-mind guides our cooperation.

If discourse programs the heart-mind, it must have a dispositional capacity to internalize the programming. Humans accumulate and ransmit conventional dao-s (guiding discoursesways). We teach them to our children and address them to each other. The heart-mind then executes the guidance in any dao it learns when triggered (e. g. , by the sense organs). Again thinkers differed in their attitude toward this shared outlook. Some thought we should minimize or eliminate the controlling effect of such conventions on human behavior.

Others focused on how we should reform the social discourse that we use collectively in programming each others xin. Typically, thinkers in the former group had some theory of the innate or hard-wired programming of the xin. Some in the latter camp had either a “blank page” or a negative view of the heart-minds innate patterns of response. For some thinkers, the sense organs delivered a processed input to the heart-mind as a distinction: salty and sour, sweet and bitter, red or black or white or green and so forth. Most had thin theories, at best, of how the senses contributed to guidance.

While it is tempting to suppose that they assumed the input was an amorphous flow of “qualia” that the heart-mind sorted into categories (relevant either to its innate or social programming). However, given the lack of analysis of the content of the ensory input, we should probably conservatively assume they took the nave realist view that the senses simply make distinctions in the world. We can be sure only that the xin did trigger reactions to discourse-relevant stimuli. Reflecting the theory of xin, the implicit theory of language made no distinction between describing and prescribing.

Chinese thinkers assumed the core function of language is guiding behavior. Representational features served that prescriptive goal. In executing guidance, we have to identify relevant “things” in context. If the discourse describes some behavior toward nes elder, one needs a way correctly to identify the elder and what counts as the prescribed behavior. Correct action according to a conventional dao must also take into account other descriptions of the situation such as urgent, normal, etc. These issues lay behind Confucian theories of “rectifying names. The psychological theory (like the linguistic) did not take on a sentential form.

Classical Chinese language had no “belief-grammar”, i. e. , forms such as X believes that P (where P is a proposition). The closest grammatical counterpart focuses on the term, not the sentence and point to the different function of xin. Where Westerners would say “He believes (that) it is good” classical Chinese would either use “He goods it” or “He, yi (with regard to) it, wei (deems:regards) good. ” Similarly zhi (to know) takes noun phrases, not sentences, as object.

The closest counterpart to propositional knowledge would be “He knows its being (deemed as) good. ” The xin guides action in the world in virtue of the categories it assigns to things, but it does not house mental or linguistic “pictures” of facts. Technically, the attitude was what philosophers a de re attitude. The “subject” was in the world not in the mind. The context of use picked out the intended item. The attitude consisted of projecting the mental category or concept on the actual thing. We distinguish this functional role best by talking about a disposition rather than a belief.

It is a disposition to assign some reality to a category. The requisite faculty of the heart-mind (or the senses) is the ability to discriminate or distinguish T from not-T, e. g. , good from bad, human being from thief. We might, alternately, think of Chinese belief and knowledge as predicate attitudes rather than propositional attitudes. Predicate attitudes are the heart-minds function. A basic judgment is, thus, neither a picture or representation of some metaphysically complex fact. Its essence is picking out what counts as X in the situation (where X is a term in the guiding discourse).

The context fixes the object and the heart-mind assigns it to a relevant category. Hence, Chinese folk theory places a (learned or innate) ability to make distinctions correctly in following a dao in the central place Western folk psychology places ideas. They implicitly understood correctness as conformity to the social-historical norm. One of the projects of some Chinese philosophers was trying to provide a natural or objective ground of dao. Western “ideas” are analogous to mental pictographs in a language of thought. The composite pictures formed out of these mental images (beliefs) were the mental counterparts of facts.

Truth was “correspondence” between the picture and the fact. Pictures play a role in Chinese folk theory of language but not of mind. Chinese understood their written characters as having evolved from pictographs. They had scant reason to think of grammatical strings of characters as “pictures” of anything. Chinese folk linguistics recognized that history and community usage determined the reference of the characters. They did not appeal to the pictographic quality or any associated mental image individuals might have. Language and conventions are valuable because they store inherited guidance.

The social-historical tradition, not individual psychology, grounds meaning. Some thinkers became skeptical of claims about the sages and the “constancy” of their guidance, but they did not abandon the assumption that public language guides us. Typically, they either advocated reforming the guiding discourse (dao) or reverting to “natural,” pre-linguistic behavior patterns. Language rested neither on cognition nor private, individual subjectivity. Chinese philosophy of mind played mainly an application (execution of instructions) role in Chinese theory of language.

Chinese theory of language centered on counterparts of reference or denotation. To have mastered a term was for the xin and senses working together to be able to distinguish or divide realities “correctly. ” Correctly was the rub because the standard of correctness was discourse. It threatened a regresswe need a discourse to guide our practical interpretation of discourse. Philosophy of mind played a role in various attempted solutions. Chinese philosophers mostly agreed (except for innatists) hat actual distinguishing would be relative to past training, experience, assumptions and situation.

However, they did not regard experience as a mental concept in the classic Western sense of the being a subjective or private content. An important concept in philosophy of mind was, therefore, de (virtuosity). One classic formulation identified de as embodied, inner dao. De though “inner,” was more a set of dispositions than a mental content. The link seemed to be that when we learn a daos content, it produces de. Good de comes from successful teaching of a dao. When you follow dao, you need not ave the discourse “playing” internally.

We best view it as the behavioral ability to conform to the intended pattern of actionthe path (performance dao). It would be “second nature. ” We may think of de, accordingly, as both learned and natural. We can distinguish Chinese thought from Indo-European thought, then, not only in its blending affective and cognitive functions, but also in its avoiding the nuts and bolts of Western mind-body analysis. Talk of “inner” and “outer” did distinguish the psychological from the social, but it did not mean inner was mental content. The xin has a physical and temporal location and consists of ispositions to make distinctions in guiding action.

It is not a set of inherently representational “ideas” (mental pictograms). Similarly, we find no clear counterpart to the Indo-European conception of the faculty of reason. Euclidean method in geometry and the formulation of the syllogism in logic informed this Indo-European concept. Absent this apparatus, Chinese thinkers characterized the heart-mind as either properly or improperly trained, virtuous, skilled, reliable, etc. Prima facie, however, these were social standards threatened circularity. The heart-mind required some kind of mastery of a body of practical knowledge.

Chinese thinkers explored norm realism mainly through an innatist strategy. Innatists sought to picture the heart-minds distinctions as matching “norms” or “moral patterns” implicit in the natural stasis or harmony of the world. Return to Outline Historical Developments: The Classical Period Confucius indirectly addressed philosophy of mind questions in his theory of education. He shaped the moral debate in a way that fundamentally influenced the classical conception of xin (heart-mind). Confucius discourse dao was the classical syllabus, including most notably history, poetry and ritual.

On one hand, we can think of these as training” the xin to proper performance. On the other, the question of how to interpret the texts into action seemed to require a prior interpretive capacity of xin. Confucius appealed to a tantalizingly vague intuitive ability that he called ren (humanity). A person with ren can translate guiding discourse into performance correctlyi. e. , can execute or follow a dao. Confucius left open whether ren was innate or acquired in studythough the latter seems more likely to have been his position. It was, in any case, the position of Chinas first philosophical critic, the anti-Confucian Mozi.

Again concern with hilosophy of mind was subordinate to Mozis normative concerns. He saw moral character as plastic. Natural human communion (especially our tendency to “emulate superiors”) shaped it. Thus, we could cultivate utilitarian behavioral tendencies by having social models enunciate and act on a utilitarian social discourse. The influence of social models would also determine the interpretation of the discourse. Interpretation takes the form of indexical pro and con reactionsshi (this:right:assent) and fei (not this:wrong:dissent).

The attitudes when associated with terms pick out the reality (object, action, etc. relevant to the discourse guidance. We thus train the heart-mind to make distinctions that guide its choices and thereby our behaviorspecifically in following a utilitarian symbolic guide. Utilitarian standards also should guide practical interpretation (execution or performance) of the discourse. At this point in Chinese thought, the heart-mind became the focus of more systematic theorizingmuch of it in reaction to Mozis issues. The moral issue and the threat of a relativist regress in the picture led to a nativist reaction.

On the one hand, thinkers wanted to imagine ways to free themselves from the implicit ocial determinism. On the other, moralists want a more absolute basis for ethical distinctions and actions. Several thinkers may have joined a trend of interest in cultivating the heart-mind. Mencius theory is the best known within the moralist trend. He analyzed the heart-mind as consisting of four natural moral inclinations. These normally mature just as seeds grows into plants. Therefore, the resulting virtues (benevolence, morality, ritual, and knowledge) were natural.

Mencius thus avoided having to treat the ren intuition as a learned product a social dao. It is a de that signals a natural dao. This view allowed Mencius to defend Confucian ritual indirectly against Mozis accusation that it relied on an optional and, thus, changeable tradition. Mencius strategy, however, presupposed that a linguistic dao could either distort or reinforce the heart-mind’s innate program. In principle, we do not need to prop up moral virtue educationally. Linguistic shaping, other than countering linguistic distortion, therefore, ran an unnecessary risk. It endangered the natural growth of the moral dispositions.

The shi (this:right:assent) and fei (not this:wrong:dissent) dispositions necessary for sage-like moral behavior should develop “naturally. His theory did not imply that we know moral theory at birth, but that they develop or mature as the physical body does and in response to ordinary moral situations. The heart-mind functions by issuing shi-fei (this-not this) directives that are right in the concrete situations in which we find ourselves. It does not need or generate ethical theory or hypothetical choices. The xins intuitions are situational and implicitly harmonious with nature.

A well-known advocate with the natural spontaneity or freedom motivation was the Taoist, Laozi. He analyzed the psychology of socialization at a different level. Learning names was training us to make distinctions and to have desires of what society considered the appropriate sort. Both the distinctions and the desires were “right” only according to the conventions of the language community. Learning language not only meant losing ones natural spontaneity, it was and subjecting oneself to control by a social-historical perspective. We allowed society to control our desires.

His famous slogan, wu-wei, enjoined us to avoid actions motivated by such socialized desires. We achieve that negative by forgetting socially instilled distinctionsby forgetting language! His mplicit ideal had some affinities with that of Mencius except that his conception of the “natural” realm of psychological dispositions was considerably less ambitious in moral terms. Interpreters usually suppose that he assumed there would be a range of natural desires left even if socialized ones were “subtracted. ” These would be enough to sustain small, non-aggressive, agrarian villages.

In them, people would lack the curiosity even to visit neighboring villages. This “primitivism” still requires that there is a natural level of harmonious impulses to action, but not nearly enough to sustain Mencius unified moral empire. The LATER MOHISTS became skeptical of the neutral status of these allegedly “natural” heart-mind states. They noted that even a thief may claim that his behavior was natural. They watered down the conventionalism of Mozi by appealing to objectively accessible similarities and differences in nature. Our language ought to reflect these clusters of similarity.

They did little epistemology especially of the senses, but supposedly, like Mozi, would have appealed to the testimony ordinary people relying on their “eyes and ears. ” Others (See ZHUANGZI) insisted that any apparent patterns of similarity and difference were always perspectival and elative to some prior purpose, standards or value attitude. Linguistics did shape heart-mind attitudes but neither reliably or accurately carves the world into its real parts. The Later Mohists had given a cluster of definitions of zhi (to know). One of these seemed close to consciousnessor rather to point to the lack of any such concept.

Zhi was the capacity to know. In dreaming the zhi did not zhi and we took (something) as so. They analyzed the key function of the heart-mind as the capacity to discriminate linguistic intention. Zhuangzi takes a step beyond Laozi in his theory of emotions. Zhuangzi discusses the passions nd emotions that were raw, pre-social inputs from reality. He suggested a pragmatic attitude toward themwe cannot know what purpose they have, but without them, there would be no reference for the “I. ” Without the ‘I’, there would be neither choosing nor objects of choice.

Like Hume, he argued that while we have these inputs and feel there must be some organizing “true ruler,” we get no input (qing) from any such ruler. We simply have the inputs themselves (happiness, anger, sorrow, joy, fear). We cannot suppose that the physical heart is such a ruler, because it is no more natural than the other organs and joints of the body. Training and history condition a hearts judgments. Ultimately, even Mencius shi-fei (this-not this) are input to the xin. Our experience introduces them relative to our position and past assumptions. They are not objective or neutral judgments.

XUNZI also concentrated on issues related to philosophy of mind though in the context of moral and linguistic issues. He initiated some important and historically influential developments in the classical theory. His most famous (and textually suspect) doctrine is “human nature is evil. ” While he clearly wanted to distance himself from Mencius, the slogan at best obscures the deep affinity etween their respective views of human nature and mind. Xunzi seems to have drawn both from the tradition advocating cultivating heart-mind and from the focused theory of language.

This produced a tense hybrid theory that filled out the original Confucian picture on how conventions and language program the heart-mind. Xunzi made the naturalism explicit. Human guiding discourse takes place in the context of a three-tier universetian (heaven-nature) di (earth-sustenance) and ren (the social realm). He gave humans a special place in the chain of nature,’ but not based on reason. Animals shared the capacity or zhi (knowledge). What distinguishes humans is their yi (morality) which is grounded on the ability to bian (distinguish).

Presumably, the latter ability is unique among animals with knowledge because it is short-hand for the ability to construct and abide by conventionsconventional distinctions or language. One of Xunzis naturalistic justifications for Confucian conventional rituals is economic. Ritual distinctions guide peoples desires so that society can manage scarcity. Only those with high status will learn to seek scarce goods. His departure from Mencius thus seems to lie in seeing human morality as more nformed or “filled-out” by historical conventional distinctions. These are the products of reflection and artifice, not nature.

However, in other ways Xunzi seems to edge closer to Mencius. He also presents ritual as part of the structure of the worldimplicit in the heaven-earth natural context. One natural line of explanation is this: while thought creates the correct conventions, nature sets the concrete conditions of scarcity and human traits that determine what conventions will be best for human flourishing. Return to Outline Historical Developments: Han Cosmology The onset of the philosophical ark age, brought on by Qin Dynasty repression followed by Han dynasty policies resulted in a bureaucratic, obscurant Confucian orthodoxy.

The Qin thus buried the technical ideas informing philosophy of mind along with the active thinkers who understood them. The ontology of the eclectic scholasticism that emerged was essentially religious and superstitious. It was, however, overtly materialist (assuming Qi (ether, matter) is material). So the implicit philosophy of mind of the few philosophically inclined thinkers during the period tended toward a vague materialism. The Han further developed the five-element (five phases) ersion of materialism. They postulated a correlative pentalogy linking virtually every system of classification that occurred to them.

The scheme included the organs of the body and the virtues. Interpretation and analysis of “correlative” reasoning is a controversial subject. From here, the mental correlations look more like a frequency selection from the psychological lexicon than a product of philosophical reflection, observation or causal theory. The Yin-yang analysis also had mental correlates. Following Xunzi, Orthodox Han Confucians tended to treat qing (reality:desires) as yin (typically egative). The yang (value positive) counterpart was xing (human moral nature).

The most important development of the period was the emergence a compromise Confucian view of minds role in morality. It eventually informed and dominated the scholastic Neo-Confucianism of the much later Sung to Qing dynasties. The small book known as the Doctrine of the Mean gave it an influential formulation. It presents the heart-mind as a homeostasis-preserving input output device. The heart-mind starts in a state of tranquillity. The account leaves open whether this is a result of ideally structured moral input, esolution of inner conflicts, or the absence of (distorting) content.

Xunzis view of the empty, unified and still mind seems the proximate ancestor of the latter aspect of the view. The vagueness, conveniently, makes Mencius doctrines fit it as well. The input is a perturbation from the outer world. The output, the heart-minds action-guiding response, restores harmony to the world and the inner state to tranquillity. If the inner state prior to the input is not tranquil, the response will not restore harmony to the real situation. Han Confucianism filled out this cosmic view of this black-box interaction etween heart-mind and world harmony using qi materialism.

Qi is a rather more a blend of energy and matter than pure mattertranslations such as “life-force” bring out an essential connection with vitality. This makes it more appropriate for a cosmology that links the active heart-mind with the changing world. Qi was the single constituting element of spirits and ghosts as well. Wang Chungs skeptical, reductive application of qi theory focused on shen (spirit-energy). He did not view its consequences for heart-mind as particularly iconoclastic. It still lacked a notion of “consciousness” independent of zhi (know).

Our zhi, he argued, stops when we are asleep and so almost certainly it does when we are dead. ) His arguments that nature had no intentional purposes illustrated his reductive behaviorismif it has neither eyes nor ears, then it cannot have zhi (purposes or intentions). This argument would hardly make sense if he had the familiar Western concept of consciousness. Similarly, he argues that the five virtues are in the five organs so when the organs are dead and gone, the virtues disappear with them.

Return to Outline Historical Developments: Buddhist Philosophy of Mind The next developments are elated to the introduction of Buddhist mental concepts into China. Most accounts credit a movement dubbed “Neo-Taoism” with “paving the way” for this radical change in philosophy of mind. Wangbis Neo-Taoist system was explicitly a cosmology more than a theory of mind, but interpretations tend to read it epistemically. Wangbi addressed the metaphysical puzzle of the relation of being and non-being. (See YOU-WU) He postulated non-being as the “basic substance. ” Non-being produced being.

He dubbed this obscure relationship as “substance and function. ” Interpretations almost inevitably explain this on the analogy to Kants Noumenon and Phenomenon. As noted, Wangbi had few epistemological interests, but the analysis did have implications for heart-mind theory. He applied the metaphysical scheme to his Confucian slogan”Sage within, king without. ” The mind was empty “within” while the behaviors were in perfect conformity with the Confucian ritual dao. This tilts the Taoist tradition toward the “emptiness” reading of the black-box analysis of heart-mind.

Wangbi also placed li (principle) in a more central explanatory position. This paved the way for its use in translating Buddhisms sentence or law-like dharma. It played roles in both Buddhist epistemology and theory of mind. In sparse pre-Han usage, li was objective tendencies in thing-kinds. (Intuitionists and naturalists took them to be the valid norm for that kindspecies relative bits of dao. ) Wangbi gave it a more essentialist reading in the context of the Book of Changes. He postulated a li guiding the mixtures and transformations of yin and yang.

One should be able to bypass the complexity of the system by isolating and understanding its li. Buddhism introduced revolutionary changes into Chinese heart-mind conceptual scheme. The original Indo-European religion probably originated the familiar Western phenomenalism (consciousness, experience-based mentalism). Indian philosophy came complete with the familiar Western sentential analyses, mental content and cognitive emphasis (belief and knowing-that). It even mimicked the subject-predicate syllogism and the familiar epistemic and metaphysical subjective-objective dualism.

It introduced a semantic (eternal) truth predicate into Chinese thought along with a representational view of the function of both mind and language. Reason/intellect and emotion/desire formed a basic opposition in Buddhist sychological analysis. An inner idea-world parallels (or replaces) the ordinary world of objects. Soul and mind are roughly interchangeable and familiar arguments for immortality suggest both metaphysical dualism and mental transcendence or superiority over the physical. It conceptually links reality (knowledge, reason) to permanence and appearance (illusion, experience) to change.

A universal chain of causation was a central explanatory device and a mark of dependence and impermanence. Two caveats are in order, however. First, although Buddhism introduced a dualist conceptual scheme, many schools arguably) denied the dualism so formulated and rejected any transcendent self. Second, it is unclear how well the philosophy of mind was generally understood and whether much of it actually “took” in China. One of the early and notoriously unsuccessful schools was the “Consciousness only” school (translated as “Only Heart-mind”) which translated the idealism of Yogacara Buddhism.

The Yogacara analysis was Hume-like in denying that anything linked the infinitesimal “moments of awareness” into a real self. Scholars tend to blame its demise, however, as much on its objectionable moral features (its alleged Hinayana or elitist failure to uarantee universal salvation) as on its conceptual innovations. The most successful schools were those that seemed to eschew theory of any kindlike Zen (Chan) or Pure Land Buddhismor those that opted for intuitive, mystical simplicity (Tian Tai and Hua Yen).

The most important conceptual legacy of Buddhism, therefore, seems to be the changed role and importance of the character li (principle). In Buddhism it served a wide range of important sentential and mental functions. It facilitated the translation of law, truth, and reason. Neo-Confucianism would take it over (with otoriously controversial implications) as key concept in its philosophy of mind. Return to Outline Historical Developments: Neo-Confucianism Neo-Confucianism is a Western name for a series of schools in which philosophy of mind played a central role.

Scholars (somewhat controversially) present these schools as motivated by an anti-foreignism that sought to resurrect indigenous classical systems. These had lain dormant for six-hundred odd years when the freshness of Buddhism started to attract the attention of China’s intellectuals. Resurrecting Confucianism required providing it with an alternative to Buddhist etaphysics. For this, they drew on ch’i metaphysics, the black-box homeostasis preserving analysis of heart-mind, Wang Pi’s and Buddhism’s li and Mencius’ classical theory of the inherent goodness of heart-mind.

The intricacies of Neo-Confucian systems are too rich to analyze in detail here. The earliest versions focused on the notion of qi linkage between the heart-mind and the world influenced by our action. They characterized the tranquil state of the black-box as void. The school of li criticized that analysis as too Zen-like. (This was a typical and damning charge to participants in this movement, lthough a Zen period in ones development of thought was a common pattern among Neo-Confucians. ) The li school insisted that any adequate account of heart-mind had to give it an original moral content.

It did this by postulating an interdependent and inseparable dualism of li and qi. The li permeates the heart and all of reality, which is composed of qi. The most tempting (and common) elaboration uses the Platonic distinction of form and content, but that analysis teeters on the edge of incoherence. The school fell back on dividing the human mind from some transcendental or metaphysical Tao-mind. This made it dubious as a theory of mind at allin the ordinary sense. It essentially became a metaphysics in which heart-mind was a cosmic force.

One way of understanding the motivation that drove the otherwise puzzling metaphysical gymnastics links philosophy of mind and ethics. Neo-Confucians were searching for the metaphysical system such that anyone so viewing the cosmos and one’s place in it would reliably do what was right. The goal was having the metaphysical outlook of the sage. The criterion of right and wrong was that the sage’s mind would so judge it. If we could replicate the outlook, we would be age-like in our attitudesincluding both beliefs and motivations. The effect on motivation and behavior was more important than the theoretical coherence of the system.

The complexity of moral choice and human motivation required so many perturbations into their account of the proposed system that it became an almost infinitely flexible rationalization for intuitionism. Mencian optimism about innate heart-mind dispositions proved an uncomfortable legacy. If human nature and the heart-mind are innately and spontaneously moral, it was unclear why we require such mental gymnastics to cultivate and condition the dispositions. They ortrayed the li as inherently good in all things, but somehow humans, alone in all of nature, might fail to conform to its own natural norms.

The attempt to explain this via the li qi dualism flounders on the metaphysical principle that the dualism pervades all things. Despite this well known (and intractable) Confucian problem of evil, the school again became the Medieval orthodoxy. Office holding required being able to parrot the view in considerable detail to show their moral character. The school of Heart-mind was a rebellion against that orthodoxy. We best understand this rival as a species of normative, objective idealism. It saw the actual heart-mind as li and therefore inherently good.

The xin projects that li onto the world in the act of categorizing and dividing it into types. Thus our normative, (phenomenal) world is good but that good is a function of the mind. Moral categorization and action are a simultaneous and combined responses of the heart-mind to the perturbations or the disharmonies we encounter. The analysis of mind is functionalthere is no goodness of the mind separate from the goodness of its categorizing and acting. Knowing is acting. The school of heart-mind somewhat gingerly accepted the implication of their Mencian heritage. There is no evil.

I say “gingerly” because whether one should formulate or teach this conclusion or not is itself a choice that the mind must assess for its contextual value. In itself, as it were, the heart-mind is beyond good and evil. Others, hence, criticized school of heart-mind was for its own Zen-like implications. Any moderately clever student could figure out that whatever he chose to do was right (c. f. , Zhuangzis initial criticism’s of Mencian idealism). They, in turn, criticized the Buddhist character of their rival’s assumptions that some kind of state of mind (enlightenment, realization) would agically result in sagehood.

The moralistic name-calling of this inter-Confucian debate sapped further development of theory of mind. That coupled with its irrational optimism in the face of growing awareness of the vulnerability and weakness of China to resist Western and Japanese military and political power resulted first in mildly more materialistic and utilitarian systems. Eventually intellectuals developed a wholesale interest in the next Indo-European thought invasion, which took the form of Marxism. Maoist theory of mind was an unstable mixture of Marxist economic and materialist reductionism and traditional Chinese optimism.

The right political attitude (typically that of the part member) would give good communists spectacular moral power and infallible situational intuitions about how to solve social problems. Again, the obvious failure in the face of irrational theoretical optimism has produced a general antipathy to idealizations. One can guess that the next phase, like the Buddhist phase, will be one of borrowing and blending. However, the current skepticism about the general outlines of folk psychology in the West and its essentially alien character probably will keep Chinese theory of heart-mind distinctively Chinese.

The Red Book And The Power Structure Of Communist China

Propaganda in China during the Cultural Revolution took on many forms; there were mass Red Guard demonstrations in Tianamen Square in support of Mao Zedong, pictures of Mao were put up in every conceivable location from restaurants to the wallpaper in nurseries, and pamphlets and books of Mao’s teachings were distributed to every Chinese citizen. One of these propaganda publications Quotations from Chairman Mao which later became known as the Little Red Book contained quotes from Mao Zedong and was distributed to every Chinese citizen.

The history of the Red Book provides one of the best ways in which to nalyze Chinese propaganda during the Cultural Revolution and see the ways in which the Chinese government was able to produce and effectively indoctrinate the Chinese people with Mao Zedong Thought. Official Chinese magazines from the period of 1967 to 1970 are filled with many pictures of citizens holding, reading, and memorizing the Red Book.

This proposal will trace the rise and fall of images of the Red Book in the official Chinese publication China Reconstructs. This proposal will use a graphical analysis of pictures in this publication from 1966 to 1973 to show that propaganda was not just a tool of the Communist party but also a reflection of internal power struggles within the party during the Cultural Revolution. The Red Book was written several years before it became the object of national adoration and a tool for the Cultivation of Mao’s personality Cult.

The history of the Red Book and its meteoric rise from a hand book for military recruits to compulsory reading for all Chinese citizens, is closely tied to its developer Lin Biao’s rise to power. Lin Biao was born in 1907 and was fourteen years younger then Mao; he joined the communist party in 1925 and until the communists captured control of China was at various times in charge of esistance forces, and armies of communist soldiers. When the communists took control in 1949 Lin Biao was behind Mao Zedong, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Chen Yun, and Deng Xiaoping in rank (Yan and Gao, 1996: 179).

But eighteen years later during the height of the Cultural Revolution Lin Biao by winning favor with Mao by publishing and championing the Red Book and the Cult of Mao became second only to the Chairman in power and position (Ming-Le, 1983: 80). In 1959 Peng Dehua was dismissed as minister of defense and Lin Biao was appointed in his place. At an armed forces meeting for high cadres during September of that year Lin Biao, energetically started promoting the Cult of Mao saying, “Learning the writings of comrade Mao Zedong is the shortcut to learning Marxism-Leninism.

Chairman Mao’s writings are easy to learn and can be put to use immediately. Diligent work will pay dividends many fold. ” (Yan and Gao, 1996: 182) His references to “shortcut” and “quick dividends” in his speech went unnoticed at the time as few foresaw the effects of creating a Cult around Mao. But looking back on the Cultural Revolution and Lin Biao, we can see his using the Cult of Mao was indeed a shortcut that produced huge dividends both for imself and for Mao.

Mao to the Chinese people was a symbol sovereignty and the construction of socialism; to them praise for Mao was fitting with his symbolic role in society. Starting in 1959 Lin Biao in front of military audiences in order to help buildup support for the Cult of Mao used such phrases as, “the dire necessity of acquiring Mao Zedong’s thought,” “to study the writings of Mao Zedong with questions in mind is to shoot arrows with target in sight,” “we must arm our minds with Mao Zedong’s thought” (Yan an Gao, 1996: 181).

Lin Biao’s goal of building up both himself and the Cult of Mao lead him in September of 960 to pass a resolution at the meeting of the Military Commission, which called for more political education among the armed forces (Yan and Gao, 1996: 181) Mao Zedong Thought is the compass for the Chinese people’s revolution and socialist construction, the powerful ideological weapon against imperialism, and the powerful ideological weapon against revisionism and dogmatism….. aise high the red banner of Mao Zedong Thought, go further and mobilize the minds of all officers and soldiers with Mao Zedong Thought, and resolve to make sure that Mao Zedong Thought, and resolve to make sure that Mao Zedong Thought is in ommand in all phases of work… Really learn by heart the Mao Zedong Thought! Read Chairman Mao’s books, listen to Chairman Mao’s words, follow Chairman Mao’s directives, and serve as Chairman Mao’s good soldiers! Shortly after the passage of the resolution by Lin Biao, the fourth volume of the selected works of Mao Zedong was published.

On the occasion of it being sold to the public Lin Biao wrote an article calling upon all people in the military to read and study the works of Chairman Mao and dedicate to memory Mao Zedong Thought (Yan and Gao, 1996: 183). On April 1964 Lin Biao direct the military presses to publish a election of quotes from Mao in a Little Red Book. The book titled Quotations From Chairman Mao was aimed at providing military recruits a shortened version of Maoist thought (Yan and Gao, 1996: 183). Military recruits before the publication of the Red Book were encouraged to study the Selected Works of Mao Zedong.

But this set of books had grown so large (it’s four volumes contained over fifteen hundred pages) many of the military’s recruits who were from peasant backgrounds were unable to read its complicated articles. The Little Red Book in contrast with its hand picked quotes and introduction by Lin Biao was hort with easy to read quotes. Before the publishing of the Red Book the study of the Selected Works of Mao Zedong greatly increased in the military this was in large part due to the encouragement and directives issued by Lin Biao.

In 1961 Lin Biao while inspecting a contingent of troops said that the works of Chairman Mao Zed ong, were a guide to those in the military, “Every lesson in political education must use the works of Chairman Mao Zedong as an ideological guide. ” (Yan and Gao, 1996: 183) Lin Biao also directed the military press to publish sections from the Red Book in the Liberation Army Daily the official ublication of the PLA (People’s Liberation Army).

The Red Book provided many of the military recruits who were mostly uneducated peasants with a grounding in Maoist thought. The quotes selected in the Red Book such as, ” Carry on the workers struggle, down with rightist revisionism” were sufficient vague as to allow recruits to draw from the Red Book what they wanted to. Lin Biao’s efforts to promote the study of Maoist thought were done to win favor with Mao and increase his position in the party (Tsou, 1986: 49). Lin Biao’s cultivation of the Cult of Mao Zedong soon earned him Mao’s notice.

During a meeting in 1961 Mao applauded Lin Biao’s work in the armed forces saying, “Recently comrade Lin Biao inspected the forces as far down as the company level and showed understanding of a good many things, including the problems of construction among our forces, and he made very good suggestions about various tasks of construction. ” (Yan and Gao, 1996: 182) Lin Biao feeling that his work at publicizing Mao’s teachings was paying off redoubled his efforts at promoting Mao Zedong Thought.

He insisted that quotes from Mao Zedong could be used to accomplish tasks within the military and made the Red Book equired reading for all in the military (Tsou, 1986:50). In January of 1962 the Part Central held an enlarged work session called a seven thousand person meeting. This meeting was aimed at rectifying the mistakes of The Great Leap Forward, and to promote the economy. A large majority at the meeting criticized Mao Zedong; but Lin Biao who believed that his future was inextricably linked to that of Mao gave one of the lone speeches in support of Mao (Yan and Gao, 1996: 182).

Lin Biao said at the conference that the reason The Great Leap Forward had not a success was because the dictates of Chairman Mao had not been followed closely enough. After the economy started to improve in 1963 and Mao gained back wide support Mao looked back and remembered that Lin Biao was one of the few who had stood by him and did not criticize him during the Party Central meeting. This event shows how Lin Biao was a shrewd political thinker who saw that his future was connected with that of Mao and winning Mao’s approval.

By 1962 Lin Biao’s chief tool at achieving this objective was the promotion of Mao Zedong Thought (Dutt and Dutt, 1970: 63). After May of 1961 the Liberation Army Daily followed Lin Biao’s irective and printed selection’s from the Selected Works of Mao Zedong. By May of 1964 with a further directive from Lin Biao the general publication department of the Liberation Army, edited and published the Red Book accompanied by the publication of the selected reader of the workers of Mao suggested by Lin Biao (Yan and Gao, 1996: 183).

The Red Book had an inscription on its cover written in calligraphy by Lin Biao that read, “Study Chairmen Mao’s writings, follow his teachings, and act accordingly” (Kraus, 1991: 109). The fact that the inscription on the Red Book was in Lin Biao’s handwriting was significant in hat it symbolized the connection between the Red Book, Lin Biao, and the Cult of Mao. Both of these publications were published in large quantities and distributed among the armed forces.

There now was a fervor for the studying of works by Mao in military ranks, illiterate soldiers were able to recite long passages from memory and military troops studied the Red Book during their breaks. With such a backdrop Lin Biao recognized that the time was right for increasing his position within the party. The cultivation of the Cult of Mao had support from Mao Zedong and when he started the Cultural Revolution in August of 966 Mao saw that Lin Biao’s thought education in the military could be applied to the whole nation (Rodzinski, 1988:96).

The period before the Cultural Revolution provides some very important insights into the development of the Red Book and of Lin Biao’s connection to the Red Book. In the period before August of 1966 the Red Book was not read by those outside of the military. A graphical analysis of pictures before 1967 shows that the Red Book was not a widely used method of propaganda as it did not appear in many pictures and the pictures it did appear in were of soldiers in the PLA.

Although studying Maoist thought was important during the period prior to the Cultural Revolution in society as a whole it was not very important. There are several reasons: First, there was no reason to Cultivate the Cult of Mao Zedong Thought during this time, Mao prior to 1966 was not trying to lead any mass movements in which he would need popular support. The Great Leap Forward and the anti-rightist campaign’s came during times in which Mao was powerful within the party so he did not need wide spread support outside of the central command.

Second, Mao prior to the Cultural Revolution was more nterested in promoting communist economics then ideology. Mao promoted The Great Leap Forward which was not a ideological campaign but instead an economic campaign to promote industrialization (Rodzinski, 1988:74). And in the period from 1961 to 1965 Mao was chiefly concerned with getting the economy back on track following the disastrous Great Leap Forward. But by 1966 the economy of China was back on track and Mao had once more gained back the support of the central leaders of the communist party.

The Cultural Revolution launched in 1966 lasted depending on the author ntil 1971 or 1976 and was initiated by Mao Zedong to renew the spirit of the Chinese Revolution. Fearing that China would develop along the lines of the Soviet model and concerned about his own place in history, Mao threw China into turmoil in a monumental effort to reverse what Mao saw as a rightist movement within China. During the 1960’s tensions with Russia increased and Mao became convinced that the Russian Revolution had stalled and become rightist, Mao feared that China was following the same path (Yan and Gao, 1996: 7).

Mao theorized that to keep China from becoming social stratified and elitist the rocess of continuos revolution had to be initiated by the government. To Mao the Cultural Revolution that he initiated had four goals: to replace party members with leaders more faithful to his thinking; to reenergize the Chinese Communist party and Purge the rightists; to provide China’s youth with a revolutionary experience; and to change society such that specific systems such as education, healthcare, and cultural systems such as opera and music became less elitist (Mitchell and Kua, 1975: 465).

Mao launched the Cultural Revolution at the Eleventh Plenum of the Eighth Central Committee in August 1966. In the following weeks Mao shut down he schools in order to allow young people to take part in the revolution (Mitchell and Kua, 1975: xii). Mao also established a national mobilization of the countries youth. They were organized into Red Guard groups and encouraged to attack all tradition values, symbols, and leaders who were rightist or bourgeois.

Mao believed that the attacks would both provide the youth with a revolutionary experience thus continuing the cycle of continuos revolution and they would strengthen the party by removing the rightist elements. Mao also saw the Cultural Revolution as a way to strengthen his own political base because the Red Guards acted to remove all who opposed Mao Zedong. The movement quickly escalated; intellectuals party officials, teachers, and the elderly were both physically attacked and verbally abused made to wear dunce caps in the streets and to denounce themselves.

Temples, restaurants, and all signs of old values were ransacked by the Red Guard youths. The Cultural revolution put middle school and high school students in charge of the nation and like a version of Lord of the Flies the nation fell into anarchy and paralysis The Cultural Revolution also lead to changes within the structure of the communist party. Before the Cultural Revolution Liu Shaoqi was Mao Zedong’s designated successor, but during the early stages of the Cultural Revolution Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping and many others who Mao deemed as being rightists were removed from the party.

In their place Mao installed those who had been most loyal to him in the past; one of those men was Lin Biao (Dutt and Dutt, 1970: 80). Mao rightly saw that the best way to provide both direction for the Red Guards and to make himself immune from their attacks upon party official would be to foster a personality Cult. Thus under the guidance of Lin Biao who after Liu Shaoqi was removed; become the successor to Mao Lin Biao helped foster a personality Cult for Mao. Lin Biao used the same types of techniques that he used in the army to help foster this Cult of Mao.

Lin Biao used the same organization to disseminate propaganda that he had devised for the Army. Lin Biao continued to head the army till his death in 1971 but his role was expanded as he became the high priest of the Cult of Mao (Yan and Gao, 1996: 334). The reading of the Red Book was encouraged by both Mao, party directives written by Lin Biao, Chen Boda, and Kang Sheng who during the Cultural Revolution became Mao’s closest advisors. All three of these advisors worked tirelessly to promote the Cult of Mao because they saw it as their way to curry favor with Mao Zedong and their efforts met with whole hearted approval.

Mao in an interview near the end of the Cultural Revolution commented that Krushchev could have avoided loosing his power if he had created an appropriate Cult for himself (Yan and Gao, 1996: 313). Mao relied on the power of propaganda to enlarge his Cult during the Cultural Revolution. The Red Book became his most powerful weapon. Quotations from the Red Book replaced the usual front page section entitled today’s mportant news in the People’s Daily. Various other newspapers and journals increased their coverage of Mao Zedong printing his speeches, pictures, and quotes.

Some even retold stories of his days fighting the Japanese and the KMT (Yan and Gao, 1996: 215). The major newspapers in June of 1966 started writing editorials and stories encouraging the public to study the thought of Chairman Mao by reading . On June 6 both the Liberation Army Daily and the People’s Daily simultaneously published a front page article calling on the Chinese people to study Mao Zedong Thought and reading Selected Works of Mao Zedong. The headline ead, “Raise high the Great Red Flag of Mao Zedong, Carry to the end the great proletariat revolution. (Yan and Gao, 1996: 215) It was no coincidence that the Liberation Army Daily and the People’s Daily both carried the same story about increasing Mao Zedong thought study. It symbolized the rise in power of Lin Biao who with the start of the Cultural Revolution and the expulsion of Liu Shaoqi had increased his power within the communist party. Lin Biao’s ideas of education and indoctrination into Maoist thought had with the publishing of the story in the People’s Daily in June of 1966 moved from the army to all of China.

From this point on until he lost favor with Mao in 1970 Lin Biao became the cheerleader of the Cult of Mao directing the national frenzy that enveloped China with its adoration of Mao Zedong (Dutt and Dutt, 1970: 80). Under the leadership of Lin Biao the leading newspapers in China printed stories urging readers to read the works of Mao. As of yet the only books available to the public was the four volume long Selected Works of Mao Zedong; the Red Book had not yet become available to the pubic.

In the fall of 1966 the People’s Daily published such headlines as, ‘Mao Zedong thought is the red sun ithin our bosom,” and stories in newspapers were filled with such lines as, “Chairman Mao’s books are not gold, but are more precious then gold; not steel, but stronger then steel. ” (Yan and Gao, 1996: 183) Pictures from this time depicted happy Chinese citizens reading pamphlets by Mao such as the, “Man Who Moved The Mountain. ” But as of yet the number of pictures in 1966 that pictured Red Books was limited and only included members of the armed forces.

But the stories in the newspapers and other propaganda put out by the government such as radio broadcasts stirred up a great fever in support of Mao and the study of Mao Zedong Thought. On August 12 following the Eleventh Plenum of the Eighth party congress copies of The Selected Works of Mao Zedong were distributed at major universities before they were shut down to prepare for the Cultural Revolution. During the rest of 1966 newspapers reported daily on the sale on The Selected Works of Mao Zedong.

The government lowered the price of the set of books to two yuan so that every person could posses a copy of the Selected Works. Sales were brisk then starting in January of 1967 Lin Biao made Quotations From Chairman Mao available to the public. Everyone immediately wanted to buy it. Group study sessions of the book became common. At many Red Guard rallies during the next several years Red Guard troops set whole pages of the book to song (Yan and Gao, 1996: 248). Lin Biao ordered the presses of China to print millions of copies of the Red Book and distribute them to the public.

The Chinese media encouraged the reading of the Red Book by printing stories extolling the virtues of those who committed the book to memory. (Yan and Gao, 1996: 249) Granny Liu spent days and nights studying the works of Chairman Mao. When she forgot, she called other to teach her. Granddaughter Yuhzen slept with er and would thus be awakened ten times a night. Even though the granddaughter could not sleep well, Granny Liu would say endearingly to her, “Yuhzen, one more word you can teach granny is one more measure of loyalty to Chairman Mao and one more bullet for Liu Shaoqi. “….

Granny Liu also eagerly disseminated Mao Zedong Thought. For more than sixty years she, had not known how to sing. Now, learning from her daughter and granddaughter, she sang every where…. Proudly Granny Liu said, “This old women can’t really handle a tune. But what I sing is my feeling for Chairman Mao. When I disseminate Mao Zedong Thought, the more I sing the ounger I get. ” Thus from January of 1967 to Lin Biao’s death and the end of the Cultural Revolution everyone in China it seemed wanted to be a Granny Liu; a person who worked for the greater glory of Mao Zedong and China.

The Red Book provided the Chinese people both with a basic although cryptic introduction to Maoist thought and it also provided them with a connection to their leader. Lin Biao was able to successfully indoctrinate the entire nation not just in an idolization of Mao but also in a frenzied studying of his quotes. The period from 1966 to 1971 is marked by Chinese publications filled ith pictures of Chinese citizens studying the Red Books on communes, in fields, in classrooms, at rallies, and at ad-hoc study groups that met from along the Pearl River in the south of China to the plains of Tibet.

The number of pictures in China Reconstructs of people holding Mao books increased from just a trickle prior to 1967 to almost fifty percent of all at the Height of the Cultural Revolution. Along with this upward trend in the number of Mao books was an increasing number of flattering articles about Lin Biao. One article in 1968 called him both a valiant fighter for the revolution and a loyal follower of Mao. The irony of this quote was probably missed by most readers at the time but looking back it was Lin Biao who created the Cult of Mao to further his own goals within the communist party and not Lin Biao’s goals of helping Mao.

The percentage of pictures of the Red Book and articles about Lin Biao during this time reflected not just the frenzy over the Cult of Mao in China but also the power of Lin Biao it was through his work that the Red Book became a talisman for the Chinese people. Chinese citizens read the Red Book because of the appeal and aura that surrounded it. The Red Book connected individual Chinese citizens with their eader. It enabled the average citizen who would never meet Mao in their lifetime to possess a piece of him and his words.

During the Cultural Revolution Mao became a god in the eyes of the Chinese people no criticism of him could be tolerated, nor the slightest deviation from his instruction permitted. Every word he uttered was taken as truth he became in effect a living Buddha, and like Buddha his writings became like sutra’s. His quotes like passages from the sutra’s were memorized, chanted, set to song, and reproduced on billboards and on the beams of houses. (Rodzinski, 1988:121) The Red Book became during the Cultural Revolution a holy sutra carried by every citizen everywhere and studied endlessly.

Some would say that the Red Book became the bible of the Cultural Revolution but this theory has several flaws. First, if this is true then the Mao would be the Jesus Christ of his time, but Mao unlike Jesus reached unquestioned power during his lifetime and unlike Jesus had no one above him; Mao was god not the son of god in China. Second, the Red Book is not parallel to the bible in its symbolism. The bible is not committed to memory by most Christians unlike the sutras which Buddhists learn long passages from. Mao followed in the footsteps of the Buddhist framework of religious organization.

Under the Cultural Revolution Buddhism and Confucianism were wiped out, Red Guards destroyed Buddhist temples and tortured monks; but in this religious vacuum Mao placed himself as Buddha and his writings as Sutra’s. The Red Book during the Cultural Revolution provided a semblance of structure and unity in the chaos of the time. Even though rival Red Guard factions frequently clashed and the nation was thrown into turmoil the Red Book acted as a bond between the Chinese; they were all followers of Mao even as heir nation dissolved into anarchy.

The Red Book provided a framework in which for people to criticize others and also a bond between citizens, the party, Red Guards, and Mao. The study of the Red Book also provided a de-facto type of education while the schools were shut down. People learned to read in study groups while learning the Red Book’s quotes. In these ways the Red Book was valuable in that it created a type of order out of the chaos of the Cultural Revolution.

One of the fascinating things about the Red Book was that nearly ever Chinese citizen possessed one but only a few of them could read it. This was one f the things that made the Red Book so popular was that it created with the idea that the Chinese populace was educated while many remained illiterate. This was one of the reason study groups were formed; so that a reader could read the Red Book to a group of illiterate peasants who would then memorize long passages so that they could feign literacy. In many places all other books but those by Chairman Mao were banned.

Reading in Chinese society was held in high esteem even under communism and the idea of each citizen being a scholar was an appealing idea to both the peasants and served the purposes of Lin Biao who saw hat the more widely the Cult of Mao and Mao Zedong Thought was spread the more his power would increase. But by 1970 the end of the Cultural Revolution had begun. Many within the party believed the Cultural Revolution had gone to far, destroyed to much, and were scared that they would become the next party member to be openly criticized by Red Guards.

Lin Biao’s success in promoting the teachings of Mao made him the successor to Mao starting in August of 1966 but his role was formalized in at the Ninth Party Congress convened in April of 1969 (Ming-Le, 1983: 49). After this Lin Biao tightened the grip of the military on Chinese Society. Lin Biao maneuvered to take advantage of the Sino-Soviet Border clashes in the spring of 1969 to declare martial law. Lin Biao quickly encountered opposition to his growing power.

Mao himself became concerned about what he saw as a successor to eager to assume power, and starting in the fall of 1970 Mao maneuvered to limit the power of Lin Biao (Ming-Le, 1983: 47-52). In August of 1970 a national conference was held called the Second Plenum which was a conference of people chosen at the 1969 national conference to decide national policy. The Second Plenum was held in Lushan and chaired by Mao Zedong. At this conference Lin Biao maneuvered to make himself president of the republic.

His clique of followers which included Chen Boda circulated such statements as, “Lin Biao is an uncommon genius he is one of the great teachers like Marx, and Lenin and Mao” (Ming-Le, 1983: 50) Lin Biao saw that holding the office of the presidency which became vacant after the death Liu Shaoqi in 1969 was a tool by which he could assume control over China and fulfill his lifetime ambition. On August 25, 1970 Mao convened the conference and upon hearing of Lin Biao’s plan destroyed it in a matter of two days. Mao did this in three ways.

First, he sentenced Chen Boda to self-examination, this was a clear warning to Lin Biao to stop his grab for power. Second, Mao threatened the members of the conference by saying that he would leave if they brought up the issue of the presidency. Third, Mao wrote in a public letter called, “Some Views of Mine,” a criticism of those who claim but do not really understand Marxism. This letter was clearly speaking about Lin Biao although it did not say so directly. The conference at Lushan was a turning point for Lin Biao is symbolized his fall from the graces of Mao because of what Mao perceived as his impatience to become resident.

Mao was able to effectively eliminate Lin Biao as a threat by joining forces with Zhou Enlai and by isolating Lin Biao’s assistant Chen Boda. (Yan and Gao, 1996: 309) By January of 1971 Lin Biao was no longer in Mao’s clique of advisors and Mao further distanced himself from Lin Biao and his work at creating a cult of Mao by saying in December of 1970 that he felt the cult created around him had grown to large (Yan and Gao, 1996: 313), what happened between then and Lin Biao’s death in September of the year is the object of much speculation.

The official Chinese government’s story is that Lin Biao died on September 13, 1971, in an airplane crash in Mongolia as he was fleeing to the Soviet Union after having plotted unsuccessfully to overthrow Mao. According to this account during the whole of 1971 Lin Biao was organizing a coup among military officers. This account is very much in doubt and their is much speculation that Lin Biao after falling out of favor with the party leadership was assassinated by communist party (Ming-Le, 1983:228).

This has been reinforced by Mongolian reports in 1990 that say that Lin Biao a was not on the plane that crashed in 1971. The years of 1970 to 1971 were also marked by the winding down of the Cultural Revolution as schools were reopened and Red Guard groups disbanded. It is a historic irony that Lin Biao who gave Mao so much power by building up his cult following was in the end a victim of the power that he created for Mao when he tried to gain control of the presidency in 1970. The death of Lin Biao in 1971 brought to China a silent liberation from the Cult of Mao.

The people discovered that the person that they had for so long recognized as the high priest of the Maoist Cult and Mao’s most loyal supporter was in fact a Janus faced person who was in fact planning to overthrow Mao. Lin Biao’s two-faced ppearance awakened in the Chinese public a distrust in politics and a feeling of deception in the Cult of Mao. The death of Lin Biao marked the end of the mass rallies in Tianamen Square and the end of the Cultural Revolution’s crazed delirium (Yan and Gao, 1996: 335). The fall of Lin Biao is closely connected with the end of the Red Book.

After Lin Biao fell from the inner circle of Mao newspapers stopped publishing accounts of Lin Biao’s genius and stopped also publishing pictures of the Red Book. A graphical analysis of pictures during this period shows a sharp decline in the number of pictures of the Red Book following December of 1970. This closely correlates with the demise of Lin Biao as a member of Mao’s inner circle. By the time Lin Biao died in September of 1971 barely any pictures of Lin Biao’s Red Book were published in place of pictures of the Red Book and slogans urging education in Mao Zedong Thought; were tractors, workers in factors, and farmers plowing fields.

All around China images of Lin Biao and his calligraphy were destroyed (Kraus, 1991: 111) On of the most telling pictures is that of the Albanian Nation Basketball team in 1972 being received by Mao in Beijing the accompanying story says that the Albanians received Chinese handicrafts from heir hosts. In a nearly identical article published in 1967 the Albanian Basketball team is pictured meeting Chairman Mao and Lin Biao and the accompanying story says they received copies of the Red Book translated into Albanian.

These two articles show the tremendous transformation that took place in China during the intervening years between the articles. The rise and fall of Lin Biao is inextricably connected with the rise and fall of his Red Book. When Lin Biao first became head of the army in 1959 he saw that if he wanted to rise in power he could do this only by currying favor ith Mao Zedong; to this end he promoted Mao Zedong Thought within the army and later throughout China.

Lin Biao built up the Cult of Mao Zedong Thought through a combination of playing on the needs of the Chinese people during a time of chaos by publishing the Red Book and by extolling the virtues of memorizing Mao’s quotes in newspapers. The story of Lin Biao is the fascinating story of a man who rode the production of propaganda to great heights but his story also provides an insight into propaganda and what it tells us about China. Pictures in China Reconstructs from 1966 to 1974 show that propaganda was not just a tool f the Communist party but also a reflection of internal power struggles within the party during the Cultural Revolution.

When Lin Biao gained power so did the number of images of the Red Book and when Lin Biao lost power the number of images of his Red Book dropped to nearly zero. Propaganda during the Cultural Revolution was not just a way for the communist party to control the people but it also was a reflection of individuals power within the party. The history of Lin Biao meteoric rise and demise is told not only in the history books but also in ascent and fall of his most prized piece of propaganda the Red Book.

Chinas Economics

For various reasons, China has always been an important country in the world. With its increasing large population, it was determined by other countries that is has a lot of economic potentials. In just one decade and a half, China has transformed itself from a giant that use to live in poverty into a wealthy powerhouse to the world economy. With one-fifth of the worlds population, China is now producing 4% of world merchandise and a proportion of global production. It has also one of the worlds oldest and most influential civilizations.

China has established three approaches to the world economy and hey are establishing an alternative socialist system (1950s); isolating itself from the system (the 1960s to mid 1970s); and participating in the system again from the 1970s. Chinas economic system was quite similar to Soviet Unions because it is central planning system. However, after the 1950s, this central planning is broken into regional planning by different provinces in China. In another words, China has changed from a centrally based country in a regionally based country, in which different provinces produces different goods and servies.

This change has encouraged the development of small enterprises, which are the ain driving forces of Chinese growth. In 1978, China has liberalised its economy and start participating in the world economy. With its new market reforms in every sector, Chinas door has opened its economic door to foreign investors and freer trade in special economical zones. Beginning in 1994, China’s economic structural reforms have begun new breakthroughs. Major changes have been made to sectors like personal enterprises, taxation, finance, foreign investment and foreign trade.

At the same time, the Chinese government is speeding up its establishment of a socialist market economy system. Hopefully, his socialist market economic system can be in place by 2010. (Roy 1-5) Major Structural Reforms Reforms already launched: 1. Reform of the state-owned enterprises has been furthered. h Some adjustment and reorganisation have been carried out in industries like textile, coal, oil and weapon-makings. 2. The social security system has made huge changes. h People established re-employment centres that can help laid off workers to find jobs in other economic sectors.

Almost 99% of the laid-off staff and workers who were fired from the state-owned enterprises are using this re-employment service centre. Reforms to be launched: 1. Financial reforms will be undertaken h To achieve the perfect management system, sectors like banks, securities, insurance and trust businesses are becoming independent from each other for clearer financial supervisions. h Government is speeding up the reform of state-owned commercial banks, in order for the banks to operate independently. In case when companies have bad credit and unpaid debts, banks are reinforcing strong policies to ensure the quality of bank loans. h To safeguard financial assets and eliminate corruption of people who have political positions. 2. To increase xport to maximize the economy h People are expanding export productions. h People are improving the development of international tourism to increase non-trade exchange earnings. (Online) Economic Activity GDP/GNP China must have annual GDP growth greater than 5% to maintain social stability and political survival.

Economic freedom has increased Chinas prosperity. With its Real GDP of US$960. 91 billion, it seems that is has increased its output by 7. 8% from 1997. Within the GDP, primary industry increased by 3. 5%, secondary industry up by 9. 2%, and tertiary industry enlarged by 7. 6%. The social labour productivity ose by 6. 9% over 1997. In the first half of 1999, GDP grew at the rate of 7. 6%. (Morrison) Beginning in 1979, China launched several economic reforms. To improve the standard of living of farmers, government is now allowing them to sell a portion of their crops on the free market.

The government also established four special economic zones to attract foreign investment and boost exports and imports. The decentralisation of economic control of various enterprises was given to provincial and local governments. This allowed enterprises to operate more freely and competitively, rather be controlled by he central government. Some coastal regions and cities were designated as open cities and development zones, which allowed people to experience free market reforms and to attract foreign investment. Therefore, the state price controls on good and services were gradually eliminated.

Starting from the introduction of economic reforms, China’s economy has grown proportionately faster than during the pre-reform period (see Table 1). This Chinese statistic shows the growth of real GDP from 1979 to 1998, which is making China one the world’s fastest growing economies. According to the World Bank, China’s rapid evelopment has driven 200 million people out of poverty. Table 1. China’s Average Annual Real GDP Growth: 1960-1998 Time Period Average Annual % Growth 1960-1978 (pre-reform) 5. 3 1979-1998 (post-reform) 9. 8 1990 3. 8 1991 9. 3 1992 14. 2 1993 13. 5 1994 12. 7 1995 10. 5 1996 9. 1997 8. 8 1998 7. 8 Sources: Official Chinese government data reported by the World Bank, World Development Report (various issues), and DRI/McGraw-Hill, World Economic Outlook, various issues. Economists who worries about China’s rapid economic growth are mainly concentrating on two factors: large-scale capital investment (by large domestic avings and foreign investment) and rapid productivity growth. These two factors appear to interdependent of each other. Economic reforms led to higher efficiency in the economy, which boosted output and increased resources for more investment in the economy.

Most of the Chinese are known to have a high rate of savings. When reforms began in 1979, domestic savings as a percentage of GDP turned out to be 32% (nearly as high as Japan’s at the time). Eventually, savings as a percentage of GDP has steadily risen; it was 42. 7% in 1998, among the highest savings rates in the world. In U. S. dollars, China’s GDP in 1998 was 968 billion with its per capita GDP of $769 billion. Such data would indicate that China’s economy and living standards were significantly lower than those of the United States, Japan, and Germany.

China’s 1998 GDP was about 45% the size of Germany’s, 23% of Japan’s, and 11% that of the United States. Surprisingly, China’s per capita GDP was only 2. 4% of the United States (see Table 2). The following data shows that China’s per capita GDP is $3,701. However, it falls far below the PPP per capita GDP levels of some major developed countries. For example, it is only 12% of U. S. levels. The International Monetary Fund stimates that China might surpass the United States as the world’s largest economy in the year 2007. However, even if that does occur, it would take China significantly longer time to achieve U.

S. standard of living levels. Table 2. Comparisons of U. S. , Japanese, German, and Chinese GDP and Per Capita GDP In Nominal U. S. Dollars and PPP: 1998 Country Nominal GDP ($Billions) GDP in PPP ($Billions) Nominal Per Capita GDP Per Capita GDP in PPP U. S. 8,500 8,500 31,414 31,414 Japan 4,190 2,969 29,860 23,228 Germany 2,109 1,637 26,024 21,376 China 948 4,610 769 3,701 Source: DRI/McGraw Hill. World Economic Outlook, Volume I 1st Quarter, 1999, p. A-27. Employment/unemployment By the end of 1998, China’s employment was 699. 57 million, 3. 7 million more than at the end of the previous year. Of the total, 32. 32 million people were in urban private enterprises. In 1998, great changes were made in the re-employment program, which enabled 6. 09 million laid-off staff and workers of state-owned enterprises to find new jobs. By the end of 1998, the registered unemployment rate in the urban areas was 3. 1% with no significant changes from the previous year. The income of people that re living in urban and rural areas increased steadily, and their living standard continued to rise.

With the falling price levels, the growth of the per-capita disposable income of urban residents rise 5. 8%, and that of rural residents increased by 4. 3%. The registered unemployment rate in the urban areas is 3. 5% in 1999. The number of people laid off in 1997 was 15 million, two-thirds from state owned enterprises. If privatisation of state enterprises continues, it is estimated that 15 million more workers would be laid off over the next two years (although the unemployment number may vary in different rovinces). In some undeveloped provinces, the ratio of laid off to working labour was 3:1 in 1998. Morrison) Inflation Inflation has reached 25. 5% in 1994 and has become a prime concern of the government. Therefore, the government has planned a tight credit policy which helped to bring inflation figures down to 17. 1% in 1995, 8. 3% in 1996, and 4. 1% in 1997. Due to statistics, the year-end figures for 1997 shows an average inflation of 2. 8% for CPI. This steady drop in inflation during 1997 was due to large stockpiles of inventory such as wheat and cereals, which produced more competition in the economy. It looks like steady deflation would continue for the next few years.

In 1998, the total retail sales of consumer goods amounted to US$352. 14 billion, up by 6. 8% compared with 1997. Despite the deflation, the actual growth was 9. 7%. (China: Economic Overview) Value of currency During the period of the Asian financial crisis, China has enforced a policy of maintaining the stability of RMB. There has also been a favourable balance in Chinas current account for five consecutive years. Foreign direct investments have continued to flow in. All these made it possible for RMB to remain stable in 1998. Now, its exchange rate against the US dollar is at US$1: RMB 8. 2789.

Unlike HK dollar, value of RMB might change over the year because RMB is not pegged to the US dollar. Specific contributions From several observations, it is known that the fastest growing provinces are Zhejiang, Jiangsu, Guangdong, Fujian, and Shandong. These places are where the state-owned industries have fallen most sharply. From 1981 to 1994, the shares of state-owned industry in each of the five provinces dropped by more than 40% for it was creating a lot of non-state owned enterprises. On the other hand, in he western regions, the state-owned enterprises have experienced a much slower structure reformation.

The decline of importance of the coastal provinces was caused by the fast growth of enterprises in provinces like Jiangsu and Zhejiang. It can also be caused by foreign-invested enterprises in Guangdong as well as private enterprises in Wenzhou, Zhejiang. The output of these enterprises grew at an annual average rate of 25 %, that is, 14 % higher than that of the state-owned industrial enterprises. The five fastest growing provinces are construction of free enterprise or indirect macro-management because they all ttract foreign investments.

In contrast, the inland areas lack foreign-invested enterprises and private enterprises. The fasted growth province, Guangdong, has an annual average GDP growth rate of 12%, while Jiangsu and Guizhou grew at an annual average growth rate of 6%. However, this increasing difference of provinces’ growth performance could lead to serious economic and political tensions among regions. (Decentralisation and Provinces’ Growth Performances) Government production of public goods/services State economy includes all enterprises that are funded by governments of various levels.

Because of the conomic reform, companies and business that use to receive government funding now have none. To increase growth without arising regional crisis, the government is using the good old-fashioned Keynesian approach V spend big on public programmes. Last year, government investment in telecommunications has increased by 53. 4% and funding in agriculture and water conservation increased by 47. 8%, as well as cement production jumped by 37. 2%. The Statistical has shown that government owned retail sales grew at 9. 4% pa in 1998.

Due to the socialist system, most of the companies in this economy are state-planned roduction companies. The main financial burden that these state companies have to carry is the workers’ life long security, that is, paying for a worker’s child delivery bill and covering the funeral expenses of the dead retired worker. Along with other reasons, more than half of such companies are currently not profitable. Therefore, government is slowly re-organising small state-owned companies and selling them to private entrepreneurs. At the same time, they are transforming large ones into corporations.

To maintain social stability, the government has to make sacrifices in this economic sector. (Roy 48) Economic Stability Fiscal policy Chinas political and economic systems lack of transparency and constant enforcement has created many uncertainties for foreign investors. The complexity of national and local laws has made foreign trade and investment more difficult in China. Chinas main problem has always been the incompleteness of economic reforms and the absence of political reforms. This was due to the fact that Communist Party Officials are functioning as Chinas ruling class.

They are a self-selected group accountable to nobody. Fiscal reforms China has made the following new pledges: 1. To eliminate high tariffs. . To have a more “balanced and equitable access” for foreign companies. They also made the following decisions about State-Owned-Enterprises: 1. Lend to those enterprises that can survive in the market. 2. For enterprises without a lot of hope for survival, better performing ones will acquire them. 3. Support bankruptcy for extremely insolvent enterprises. Mr. Jiang Zemin, Chinas new President has brought some strong changes in China.

However other countries in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) are saying that Chinas should obtain lower tariff and freer trades because the use of high tariffs made it difficult o export to China. Import taxes in the form of value-added tax (VAT) and other taxes are added to tariffs on items entering China. This highly discouraged trade inflow. In 1995, the National People’s Congress (NPC) established banking reforms, including the Peoples Bank of China Law. This new law gives NPC more authority in its functioning. It also abolishes loan and corruption from politicians.

The reforms has sped up the commercialisation of the big four State-owned specialised banks, which include Agricultural Development Bank of China, Export and Import Credit Bank of China, and State development Bank. As a result, the Chinese government has opened its doors to some foreign banks to emerge new banks in China. The new banks are more efficient than the big four and offer much better quality of service. Monetary policy In 1994, Consumer Price Index was up by 24%. This is a sign of Chinas failure for the interest rates being set by the government and not economically.

Monetary policy is useless in China because the central bank is not independent. Inflationary pressure resulted in money supply growth of 34. 4% in 1994. China is not allowed to use the “raising interest rates” tool for fighting inflationary emand because it fears that the effect on state owned industries that survived on borrowed working capital. The raise in interest rates would greatly effect state-owned firms as they already borrow money from banks to pay their interest bills. Monetary reform Formerly Bank of China, it was transformed into a central bank in 1983. Its responsibilities include: 1.

Making and improving financial polices to meet government rules. 2. Controlling the supply of money. 3. Setting exchange and interest rates. 4. Setting policies concerning credit. 5. Controlling both domestic and foreign banking activities. 6. For practical urposes, the bank of China is the overseas agent of Central Bank. Therefore, privately owned firms are left to fund their own funds from sources outside the state banking system which include foreign investments, foreign currency borrowing, domestic share sales, bond issues, credit unions, non-bank financial institutions and unofficial private banks.

The new interest rate for 6-month loans is now 9. 5% and officials say, “Over the next five years our monetary policy direction will be a moderately tightening one. ” Banking system China now has specialist banks and other financial institutions, which include: 1. The ig-four State-Owned Specialised banks i. e. Agricultural Bank of China, Bank of China, Industrial and Commercial bank of China and The Peoples Construction Bank; 2. China International Trust and Investment Corporation; 3. The Industrial / Commercial Bank of China; 4.

Bank of Communications, etc. Since the central bank in China is not independent, the transparency in the banking sector is then very poor. This makes the precise measurement of banks loans to become more difficult. The accounting principles are inconsistent and poorly understood by bankers. Interest rates are still be dictated by the bank and government instead f allowing the market to determine it. However, with the new reforms and laws to its state owned enterprises, China may be on its way to a substantial economic recovery with a bright future in sight. Grace Bosede) Economic Equity Income distribution/Standard of living Less than 60% of Chinese are covered by unemployment insurance. In 1997, most of the laid off workers received payments of less than 10% of the average national wage. There are virtually no social securities or pensions in China. Therefore, some people live at starvation level. However, the high rate of China’s economic growth last year has provided eople with higher standard of living. Urban residents who use to make 27% of the national income are now making more than 50%.

There is also a great difference depending on the specific provinces in which people work in (see Table 3). Table 3. Comparison of per capita income between urban and rural sectors in 1995 Province Urban Per Capita Income (RMB) Rural Per Capita Income (RMB) Anhui 2,767 973 Fujian 3,508 1,578 Guangdong 5,877 2,182 Zhejiang 4,691 2,225 Source: Internet article: “How to Benefit from the Booming Retail Market in China” Because China has a large population, the government rarely nterferes with income distributions of individuals.

However, there is more interference from the government in the state owned businesses than the privately own ones. Therefore, private businesses that try to maximize their profits often exploit workers who are in serious need of money. The average per capita income of urban resident raise from RMB1,826 in 1992 to RMB3,179 in 1994. Recent figures show that the high growth rate will continue for some time (Table 4). Table 4. Urban per capita income Year Average Income (RMB) Growth Rate 1992 1,826. 1 18. 3% 1993 2,336. 5 28. 0% 1994 3,179. 4 36. % Source: Internet article: How to Benefit from the Booming Retail Market in China” China has now developed large shopping centres and department stores in many provinces in order to bring up the standard of living, as well as to encourage consumer spending (Table 5).

Table 5. Consumer spending in different provinces. Rank Area 1994 ( RMB billion ) 1993 ( RMB billion ) Rate 1 Guangdong 175. 67 131. 40 +33. 7% 2 Jiangsu 124. 73 93. 50 +33. 4% 3 Shandong 113. 24 84. 23 +34. 4% 4 Zhejiang 96. 37 67. 44 +42. 9% 5 Sichuan 93. 33 71. 79 +30. 0% 6 Liaoning 86. 80 67. 22 +29. 1% 7 Shanghai 77. 07 62. 19 +23. 9% 8 Henan 70. 25 49. 72 +41. % 9 Hubei 68. 0 50. 05 +36. 9% 10 Beijing 66. 67 53. 18 +25. 4% Source: Internet article: “How to Benefit from the Booming Retail Market in China” International Trade and Competitiveness Trading pattern Chinas international trade in 1928 was only 2. 3% of the world total. In 1977, when Chinas economy was still isolated, its trade was 0. 6%. It did not gain an important economic position until 1993. As one of the WTO members, China has opened many closed sectors under the Western influences. The Washington-based Institute of International Economics estimates that Western exports to China could rise annually by US$21 billion.

Economic reforms have transferred China into a major trading partner for many countries. Chinese exports rose from $14 billion in 1979 to $184 billion in 1998, while imports grew from $16 billion to $140 billion. China’s ranking as a trading power rose from 27th in 1979 to 10th in 1998. China’s trade volume fell slightly in 1998 over 1997 for it is too affected by the global financial crisis. Chinas exports rise by 0. 5% after the rising of 20. 9% in 1997, while imports dropped by 1. 5%. Due to statistics, China has been running trade deficits in some years and surpluses in others. Over the past 5 years, China has run trade surpluses.

In 1998 the surplus totalled about $44 billion (see Table 6). Merchandise trade surpluses and the large amount of foreign investment have made China to become the world’s second largest foreign exchange reserves, with a total $145 billion at the end of 1998. During the first nine months of 1999, China’s exports increase by 2. 1%, while imports rise by 19. 3%. Table 6. China’s Merchandise World Trade: 1979- September 1999 ($Billions)

Exports Imports Trade Balance 1979 13. 7 15. 7 -2. 0 1980 18. 1 19. 5 -1. 4 1981 21. 5 21. 6 -0. 1 1982 21. 9 18. 9 2. 1983 22. 1 21. 3 0. 8 1984 24. 8 26. 0 -1. 1985 27. 3 42. 5 -15. 3 1986 31. 4 43. 2 -11. 9 1987 39. 4 43. 2 -3. 8 1988 47. 6 55. 3 -7. 7 1989 52. 9 59. 1 -6. 2 1990 62. 9 53. 9 9. 0 1991 71. 9 63. 9 8. 1 1992 85. 5 81. 8 3. 6 1993 91. 6 103. 6 -11. 9 1994 120. 8 115. 6 5. 2 1995 148. 8 132. 1 16. 7 1996 151. 1 138. 8 12. 3 1997 182. 7 142. 2 40. 5 1998 183. 8 140. 2 43. 6 Jan. -Sept. 1998 134. 2 98. 6 35. 6 Jan. -Sept 1999 137. 0 117. 6 19. 4 Source: International Monetary Fund, Direction of Trade Statistics and official Chinese statistics. Trading partners China’s trade data differs significantly rom its major trading partners statistics.

This is due to the fact that a large share of China’s trade (both exports and imports) passes through Hong. China treats a large share of its exports through Hong Kong as Chinese exports to a foreign country. However, China treats the imports from Hong Kong as provincial trading. According to Chinese trade data, its top five trading partners in 1998 were Japan, the United States, the European Union (EU), Hong Kong, and South Korea (see Table 7). Chinese data shows that United States is its second largest export partner and the third largest source of its imports.

China’s trade with many of its Asian trading partners fell in 1998, while trade with the United States and the EU rose. Table 7. China’s Top 10 Trading Partners: 1998 ($Billions and % Change over 1997) 1998 Merchandise Trade ($) % Change over 1997 Country Total Trade Exports Imports Total Trade Exports Imports All Countries 323. 9 183. 8 140. 2 -0. 4 0. 5 -1. 5 Japan 57. 9 29. 7 28. 2 -4. 8 -6. 7 -2. 7 U. S. * 54. 9 38. 0 17. 0 12. 1 16. 1 4. 1 EU15 48. 4 27. 9 20. 4 12. 6 17. 2 6. 3 Hong Kong 45. 4 38. 8 6. 7 -10. 6 -11. 5 -4. 7 S. Korea 21. 3 6. 3 15. 0 -11. 6 -31. 0. 4 Taiwan** 20. 5 3. 9 16. 6 3. 3 13. 9 1. Singapore 8. 2 3. 9 4. 2 -7. 2 -9. 1 -5. 4 Russia 5. 4 1. 8 3. 6 -10. 5 -9. 7 -10. 9 Australia 5. 0 2. 3 2. 7 -5. 2 13. 9 -17. 2 Indonesia 3. 6 1. 2 2. 5 -19. 6 -36. 4 -8. 1 Source: Official Chinese trade data. *U. S. trade data on U. S. -China trade differ significantly with Chinese trade data.

**China and Taiwan do not maintain direct trade links. Most trade takes place via Hong Kong. However, the US trade data differs significantly with Chinese trade data. According to the U. S. trade data, it indicates that U. S. arket is an important market to China’s export, but it is not reflected in Chinese trade data. Based on U. S. data on Chinese exports to the US, it is shown the exports have grown from 15. 3% in 1986 to an estimated 38. 7% in 1998. This would indicate that the United States is China’s largest export market. The importance of the U. S. market for China’s exports has increased in 1998 because of the global financial crisis in Asia. China has survived the financial crisis because U. S. imports from China have continued to rise, whereas imports by several East Asian economies from China have fallen.

There is an increasing level of Chinese exports from foreign funded enterprises (FFEs) in China. According to Chinese ata, the total share of Chinese exports produced by FFEs has risen from 0. 1% in 1980 to 44. 1% in 1998. Many of these FFEs are owned by Hong Kong and Taiwan investors because they have shifted their labour-intensive, export-oriented, firms to China to take advantage of low-cost labour. A large percentage of the products made by such firms are exported to the United States. Export and imports/Foreign trade China has gained more access to export markets through the long term restructuring of the Chinese economy.

Reforms initiated by President Jiang Zemin and Prime Minister Zhu Rogji have tended to languish under political ressure and economic and cultural inertia. Another cause of increasing export is the wider opening of China’s industrial and agricultural sectors to Western style management and competitive discipline. The strategy that Chinese used was a currency devaluation to promote export growth. This would inevitably be followed by a new round of defensive devaluation throughout the region, accompanied by further capital outflows, deepening liquidity problems, a return to protectionism and delay in recovery. Roy 57) China’s cheap labour force has made it internationally competitive in many low cost, labour-intensive ountries. As a result, manufactured products comprise an increasingly larger share of China’s trade.

The share of Chinese manufactured exports to total exports rose from 50% in 1980 to 89% in 1998, while manufactured imports as a share of total imports rose from 65% to 84%. A large share of China’s manufactured imports is comprised of intermediates like chemicals, electronic components, and textile machinery that are used in manufacturing products in China.

Major Chinese imports in 1998 included electrical machinery, textile products, specialised machinery, plastics, and telecommunications and recording quipment (see Table 8). China’s major exports included articles of apparel and clothing, electrical machinery, textiles, office machines, and telecommunications and recording equipment (see Table 9). Table 8. Major Chinese Imports: 1998 Commodity Total ($Billions) % of Total Imports Electrical machinery, apparatus, appliances & parts, and household electrical appliances $16. 5 11. 8% Textile yarns, fabrics, and made-up articles 11. 1 7. Specialized machinery for particular industries 8. 3 5. 9 Plastics in primary form 8. 2 5. 8 Telecommunications and sound recording and reproducing apparatus and quipment 7. 9 6. 6 Total top 5 52. 0 37. 0 Source: Official Chinese trade statistics

Table 9. Major Chinese Exports: 1998 Commodity Total ($Billions) % of Total Exports Articles of apparel and clothing accessories $30. 0 16. 3% Electrical machinery, apparatus, appliances & parts, and household electrical appliances 13. 9 7. 6 Textile yarns, fabrics, and made-up articles 12. 8 7. 0 Office machines and data processing machines 11. 6. 5 Telecommunications and sound recording and reproducing apparatus and equipment 11. 1 6. 0 Total top 5 79. 7 43. 4 Source: Official Chinese trade data. China has pursued a trade trategy of import substitution. This means Chinese only import the goods necessary to its economic development that cannot produce itself, and once it attains a domestic production capability, it stops importing those goods. This approach even carried over to China’s exports, which have consciously been used primarily as a means of generating foreign exchange for the purchase of advanced foreign technology.

China’s imports fall mainly into one of two categories: raw materials (food, energy, lumber, wool and synthetic fibres, fertilizer, chemicals, steel, etc. ) from the developing countries, and advanced technology machinery, software, etc. ) from the developed countries. Chinese exports, in keeping with China’s comparative advantage, are mostly relatively cheap labour-intensive manufactured goods, which are particularly attractive in lower-income countries. In other words, China generally “buys in the core and sells in the periphery”.

Thinking that higher-tech products earn higher profits on the capitalist world market, China is running trade surpluses with developing countries and trade deficits with developed countries. China’s foreign trade has grown exponentially since the opening to the world market. Exports comprised about 2% of China’s GDP in 1980; in 1996, they account for 10%. (Roy 89) Total trade between China and the United States rise from $4. 8 billion in 1980 to $85. 4 billion in 1998, making China the 4th largest U. S. trading partner.

China has become a major supplier to the U. S. market with its variety of low-cost U. S. onsumer goods, such as toys and games, textiles and apparel, shoes, and consumer electronics. China has been a major buyer of U. S. aircraft, fertilizers, and machinery. In recent years, U. S. imports from China have far exceeded U. S. exports to China. In 1998, U. S. mports from China totalled $71. 2 billion while U. S. exports to China were only $14. 3 billion. As a result, the U. S. trade deficit with China has increased to nearly $57 billion in 1998. (China-U. S. Trade Issues). Foreign investment China has kept out all foreign investment until 1979, the heavy restrictions were loosened to allow all kinds of foreign investment in China.

This way, China can gain more access to foreign technology. Western investors began to rush into China in the 1970s but decreased in numbers in the early 1980s because they realised that China is still a difficult place for them to do business. Several reasons for this is that China has many regulations, corruption scandals and the assumptions that foreigners are wealthy and therefore should pay extra for everything. In the early 1990s, the Chinese government has reformed and clarified many laws concerning foreign investment to stimulate foreign investment in China. Roy 90)

In 1998, foreign capital investment in China has reached US$58. 9 billion, with foreign direct investment (FDI) of US$45. 6 billion. Within the countries that made direct investment in China, Hong Kong ranked first with 40. 6% of China’s total foreign investment (see Table 10). Table 10. Foreign Direct Investment Countires % in total Hong Kong 40. 6 United States 8. 6 Singapore 7. 5 Japan 7. 5 Source: China’s economic conditions. In the first quarter of 1999, FDI totalled to US$7. 34 billion. In the first half of 1999, FDI reached US$18. 6 billion. As a result, FDI has brought new technology and more capitals into China.

Conclusion Further Outlooks 1999-2002 is the switch period for China from its command economy to a market economy. Therefore the Chinese government develops macro economic policies reinforce things like reform, development and stability. The overnments main objectives in this period are to maintain a low inflation economy and improve employment rate while the restructuring is under its way. The long term outlook for the Chinese economy remains mixed. China has been able to weather out the effects of the Asian financial crisis, although this has done at the cost of delaying economic reforms to the SOEs and banking system.

Continued support of money-losing SOEs draws resources away from more potentially productive enterprises, and thus undermines future growth. China’s commitment to join the WTO appears to represent a major commitment on the part f the Chinese government to significantly reform its economy and provide greater access to its markets. Some China observers believe that the Chinese government views accession to the WTO as an important, though painful, step to making Chinese firms more efficient and able to compete in world market (by exposing them to competition from abroad).

In addition, the government hopes that liberalized trade rules will attract more foreign investment to China. Economists argue that over the long-run greater market openness in China would boost competition, improve productivity, and lower costs for consumers, as well s for firms using imported goods as inputs for production. Economic resources would be more likely redirected away from money-losing activities towards more profitable ventures, especially those in China’s growing private sector. As a result, China would likely experience more rapid economic growth (than would occur under current economic policies).

Goldman Sachs estimates that WTO membership would double China’s trade and foreign investment levels by the year 2005 and raise real GDP growth by an additional 0. 5% per year. In the short run, however, widespread economic reforms (if implemented) could result in isruptions in certain industries, especially unprofitable SOEs, due to increased foreign competition. As a result, many firms would likely go bankrupt and many workers could lose their jobs. How the government handles these disruptions will strongly determine the extent and pace of future reforms.

The central government appears to be counting on trade liberalization to boost foreign investment and spur overall economic growth; this would enable laid-off workers to find new jobs in high growth sectors, especially in China’s growing private sector. However, the Chinese government is deeply concerned with aintaining social stability. If trade liberalization was followed by a severe economic slowdown, leading to widespread bankruptcies and layoffs, the central government might choose to delay (or even rescind) certain economic reforms rather than risk possible political upheaval.

The Chinese government has recently taken a number of steps in preparation for China’s WTO entry. For example, In January 2000, Zhen Peiyan, Chairman of China’s State Planning Commission, stated that the government would eliminate all restrictive regulations against private enterprises in China in preparation for China’s WTO accession. Currently, private firms in China face a variety of discriminatory government policies, including lack of access to borrowing from state banks, that have made it difficult for such firms to develop.

China’s entry into the WTO will require the government to establish a level playing field for Chinese firms to compete against foreign firms. This could greatly expand the role of the private sector in China’s economic development and accelerate China’s transition to a market-oriented economy. Economic Growth – China want to expand its domestic demand to promote its economy. For the next few years, domestic emand, that is, the consumption and investment will slightly increase. Researchers say that after the year 2000, the impact of the financial crisis will gradually reduce, whereas the international environment will gradually improve.

Chinas economic growth rate is expected to be about 7% and its CPI to be around 3% in this period. Investment – Foreign and local investments in fixed assets will continue to be the main driving force in Chinas economic growth. Due to the changes in policies, it is known that investment in the state sector will increase, as well as the investment in the non-state sector will lso speed up gradually. The estimated average increase in the investment in fixed assets will be 12% or so in 1999-2002.

The Chinese government has also pursued policies to improve the amount of foreign investment. Foreign Direct Investment is expected to rise after 2000. Employment – In the period between 1999 and 2002, the working population will be over 11 million and 85% of them will enter the labour market. As the reform of the state-owned enterprises continues and the economic restructuring speeds up, it is estimated that the registered unemployment rate will be 3. 5%. China is speeding up the development f its economy to create more employment outlets and to deepen labour market reforms.

The government is also thinking of building of a social security system that will improve the standards of living among people in the future. (Roy 57) Table 11 China: Overall Economic Performance 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 GDP and Major Components (% change from previous year, excepted as noted) Nominal GDP (billion US$) 483. 00 601. 10 540. 90 697. 60 816. 90 903. 00 960. 90 Real GDP 14. 20 13. 50 12. 60 10. 50 9. 60 8. 80 7. 80 Total Consumption 14. 20 9. 30 8. 00 9. 20 9. 30 6. 10 6. 80 Private Consumption 14. 30 9. 0 7. 70 10. 10 9. 60 5. 80 6. 10 Government Consumption 13. 0 9. 10 9. 10 5. 90 8. 40 7. 20 8. 90 Total Investment (1) 12. 90 24. 90 15. 60 15. 50 10. 40 7. 10 14. 40 Private Investment Government Investment Exports of Goods and Services (2) 18. 20 8. 00 31. 90 22. 90 1. 50 20. 90 0. 50 Imports of Goods and Services (3) 26. 30 29. 00 11. 20 14. 20 5. 10 2. 50 -1. 50 Fiscal and External Balances (% of GDP)

Budget Balance -0. 97 -0. 85 -1. 23 -1. 00 -0. 78 -0. 78 -1. 50 Merchandise Trade Balance (f. o. b. ) 0. 87 -2. 03 0. 99 2. 41 1. 51 4. 46 5. 48 Current Account Balance 1. 33 -1. 98 1. 42 0. 23 0. 89 3. 9 3. 03 Capital Account balance -0. 5 3. 91 4. 68 4. 74 4. 89 2. 54 0. 00 Economic Indicators (% change from previous year, except as noted) GDP Deflator 7. 90 14. 60 19. 50 13. 10 6. 10 1. 50 -1. 30 CPI 6. 40 14. 70 24. 10 17. 10 8. 30 2. 80 -0. 80 M2 31. 30 32. 40 34. 50 29. 50 25. 30 19. 58 15. 30 Short-term Interest rate (%) 8. 10 8. 80 9. 00 9. 00 9. 72 7. 65 6. 34 Exchange Rate (Local Currency/US$) (4) 5. 50 5. 76 8. 62 8. 35 8. 31 8. 28 8. 28 Unemployment Rate (%) 2. 30 2. 60 2. 80 2. 90 3. 00 3. 10 3. 10 Population (millions) 1172. 0 1185. 0 1199. 0 1211. 0 1224. 0 1236. 0 1248. 1 Source: APEC Members