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Richard Wrights Legacy Of The Civil Rights Movement Essay

Richard Wright is an African American writer who wrote about the hardships he faced in the South in the early 1900s. Wright grew up at a time when segregation and discrimination were rampant. He became famous later on in his life because of the many books he wrote, including his autobiography Black Boy, which depicts how it was like to grow up during the Jim Crow laws in the South. It is a poignant tale of poverty, loneliness, and the power of thought and imagination.

If Wright were to write an autobiography titled Black Boy today, depicting a black boy growing up in the United States nowadays, he would write about the legacy of the Civil Rights movement, police brutality towards African Americans, and President Obama’s positive influence on the African American community. First of all, Richard Wright would write about the progress made by the Civil Rights movement. He would be happy, excited, and vindicated by the efforts and victories of the Civil Rights movement.

He would cite Martin Luther King and would write about his triumphs. He would explain the facts regarding the Civil Rights movement to the reader and perhaps even quote Harvard professor Randall Kennedy, who writes in his article, “The Civil Rights Movement and the Politics of Memory”, “The classic civil rights movement (1954-1965) was sparked, organized, and driven by local people and leaders (maids, teachers, farmers, cooks, janitors, students, ministers) in a hundred southern towns who, with ferocious courage, stood up and said “No more! ” (Kennedy). Wright would relish on those victories and celebrate the awakening of his people. Taking into consideration that Wright was not a religious person and even briefly joined the Communist Party, it is possible that he would particularly enjoy how the Civil Rights movement was very much a revolutionary movement organized by regular citizens, regardless of their faiths, denominations, and even races.

He would again quote Professor Kennedy, who wrote in the same article, “Their victories — some temporary, some lasting – regularly depended on their ability as citizens to reach beyond local and state segregationists to faraway presidents, congressional representatives, federal circuit court judges, and Supreme Court justices in Washington, appealing to them to respond with regulations, executive orders, laws, and even armed force” (Kennedy). Wright would cherish these advancements and help organize his people into fighting for further advancements.

Then, Wright would observe the state of the Civil Rights movement today. He would worry that many of the rights achieved by the proponents of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s are being taken away by states and even the Supreme Court. He would mention a disconcerting case mentioned by professor Kennedy in his article published by the magazine American Prospect Longform that evinces how many of the protections are being reversed, “In Shelby County, Alabama v.

Holder, the case destroyed a key tool of the Voting Rights Act of 1965” (Kennedy). Wright would explain how judges nowadays feel that legislation in the 1960s was overdone. Wright would bemoan the fact the many reversals to the progress made by the Civil Rights movement have taken place, claiming “entrenched racial discrimination in voting” (Kennedy). He would describe that “At the time”—the mid-1960s—the key disputed provisions of the act “made sense,” Roberts declared.

But he insisted that “nearly 50 years later, things have changed dramatically,” obviating the need for the law’s “strong medicine” (Kennedy). Wright would be concerned about this dangerous trend and perhaps look for new heralds and champions of the African American community and of civil rights that would advocate for the protection of these rights and fight for new ones. Indeed, Richard Wright would discuss Civil Rights movements today and certainly discuss its most famous strain, Black Lives Matter.

He would probably strive for a better understanding of the origins and purpose of the movement, quoting the mission statement found in the eponymous website, “Black Lives Matter is an ideological and political intervention in a world where Black lives are systematically and intentionally targeted for demise. It is an affirmation of Black folks’ contributions to this society, our humanity, and our resilience in the face of deadly oppression” (Blacklivesmatter. com).

Wright would investigate its history and motivations. He would soon find out that the movement was created by women who were appalled at what happened to Trayvon Martin in 2012, “I created #BlackLivesMatter with Patrisse Cullors and Opal Tometi, two of my sisters, as a call to action for Black people after 17-year-old Trayvon Martin was post-humously placed on trial for his own murder and the killer, George Zimmerman, was not held accountable for the crime he committed.

It was a response to the anti-Black racism that permeates our society and also, unfortunately, our movements” (Blacklivesmatter. com). Though the case of Trayvon Martin did not involve the police, but rather a vigilante, Richard Wright would realize that many black youths are getting killed in the streets. He would then see that the new frontier of Civil Rights is the fight against police brutality. Richard Wright would be sad to read the news about police misconduct.

He would comment on the article published by Matt Steven in the New York Times, in which the author describes the glaring murder of Tyre King, “A grand jury in Columbus, Ohio, declined on Friday to indict a white police officer who fatally shot a 13-year-old black boy who was brandishing a BB gun, finding that the officer’s actions were justified, city officials and the police said” (Stevens). Wright would understand how the police targets blacks simply because they expect them to be up to no good. He would try to understand why blacks are cars checked more frequently, and receive longer sentences than their white counterparts (Spohn).

He would also question why blacks are three times more likely to be shot by police. He would write about Ferguson and try to understand how few cops are ever convicted for killing black people. Richard Wright would write about Freddy Gray and Walter Scott. He would even quote another article published by the New York Times, “After a mistrial for murder or voluntary manslaughter charges in December, Michael T. Slager, the North Charleston, S. C. , officer who fatally shot Walter L. Scott in the back as Mr. Scott was running away, pleaded guilty to civil rights charges this month” (Evans).

He would add about Tamir Rice, Michael Brown and Eric Garner, There would be so many names in his book that it would become a long litany of senseless deaths. However, Wright would celebrate small victories such as when a police officer was charged for killing black people,. Again Wright would refer to an article written by McGee and Fernandez and published by the New York Times, “Police Officer Who Fatally Shot 15-Year-Old Texas Boy Is Charged With Murder”, which states, “Mr. Oliver was charged with murder on Friday, a move praised by black residents in Balch Springs and Dallas-area civil rights leaders.

The warrant said Mr. Oliver “intended to cause serious bodily injury and commit an act clearly dangerous to human life that caused the death of an individual” (McGee and Fernandez). Wright would be happy about this small victory, and certainly would celebrate the election of Barack Obama. Richard Wright would see a glimmer of hope in the election of the first African American president of the United States. Wright might even quote Malik Miah, author at the website Solidarityus. org, who wrote, “THERE WAS EUPHORIA in every Black community household November 4. High fives and tears of joy.

No one could believe it. It didn’t matter Obama’s politics. A Black man had won! The election of the first Black president of the United States has a dual meaning: social and political” (Malik). Wright would have cherished this moment as well, eager to see the wondrous wonders Obama would soon accomplish. He would love Obama and reel in the words of TIME Magazine, in which author David Von Drehle states, “Barack Obama’s victories in 2008 and 2012 were dismissed by some of his critics as merely symbolic for African Americans. But there is nothing “mere” about symbols.

The power embedded in the word nigger is also symbolic. Burning crosses do not literally raise the black poverty rate, and the Confederate flag does not directly expand the wealth gap” (Von Drehle). Wright would acknowledge that Obama was not just a symbol, but epitomized a concrete victory over white privilege, adding another quote from the same article on TIME magazine, “Whiteness in America is a different symbol—a badge of advantage. In a country of professed meritocratic competition, this badge has long ensured an unerring privilege” (Von Drehle).

Wright would then state that Obama’s victory transcended all racial disadvantages that Obama may have had. For Wright, Obama would be a herald of hope, a promise of unfettered progress by the African American community. Indeed, Richard Wright would celebrate the many accomplishments and legacy of Barack Obama. He would underscore how an African American benefited all other minorities as well. He would again quote TIME Magazine author Von Drehle, who wrote in his article, “Obama doubled the number of female justices in Supreme Court history, from two to four, and appointed the first justice of Hispanic heritage, Sonia Sotomayor.

Same-sex couples are free to wed, in part because Obama’s Department of Justice refused to support the so-called Defense of Marriage Act. Gays serve openly in the military because Obama ended “don’t ask, don’t tell. ” Women can choose to qualify for combat roles” (Von Drehle). Wright would point out how Obama’s choices have positively impacted the United States – forever. He would rejoice in victories such as ObamaCare, which, though being revised by the GOP today, is still the stepping stone for any kind of national health care. Overall, Wright would be glad and proud.

Therefore, if Richard Wright were here today, he would write about the legacy of Civil Rights movement, police brutality towards African Americans, and President Obama’s influence on the African American community. Richard Wright would celebrate the achievements of his people, as well as bemoan its many setbacks. He would be happy to see so many greatly awarded and celebrated African Americans. He would be proud of his peers – he would cry with its befallen – but above all, he would see his race rising and taking its rightful place in the world.

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